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    State of democracy in Africa: changing leaders doesn’t change politics

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    Nic Cheeseman, University of Birmingham

    For the last few years the African political landscape has been dominated by high profile changes of leaders and governments. In Angola (2017), Ethiopia (2018), South Africa (2018), Sudan (2019) and Zimbabwe (2018), leadership change promised to bring about not only a new man at the top, but also a new political and economic direction.

    But do changes of leaders and governments generate more democratic and responsive governments? The Bertelsmann Transformation Index Africa Report 2020 (BTI), A Changing of the Guards or A Change of Systems?, suggests that we should be cautious about the prospects for rapid political improvements.

    Reviewing developments in 44 countries from 2017 to the start of 2019, the report finds that leadership change results in an initial wave of optimism. But ongoing political challenges and constraints mean that it is often a case of “the more things change the more they stay the same”.

    Political change occurs gradually in the vast majority of African countries.

    More continuity than change

    From 2015 to 2019, the general pattern has been for the continent’s more authoritarian states – such as Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea and Rwanda – to make little progress towards democracy. In some cases countries became incrementally more repressive.

    At the same time, many of the continent’s more democratic states – including Botswana, Ghana, Mauritius, Senegal and South Africa – have remained “consolidating” or “defective” democracies. Very few of these dropped out of these categories to become “authoritarian” regimes.

    A number of countries have seen more significant changes. But in most cases this did not fundamentally change the character of the political system. For example, Cameroon, Chad, Kenya and Tanzania moved further away from lasting political and economic transformation. Meanwhile Angola, Ethiopia, Sierra Leone and Zimbabwe initially made progress towards it, but these gains were limited – and only lasted for a short period in Ethiopia and Zimbabwe.

    As this brief summary suggests, at a continental level the trajectories of different states have by and large cancelled each other out. Positive trends in some cases were wiped out by negative trends in others.

    Sub-Saharan Africa as a whole has thus seen no significant changes to the overall level of democracy, economic management and governance. For example, the index shows that between 2018 and 2020, the overall level of democracy declined by just 0.09, a small shift on a 1-10 scale. This suggests continuity not change.

    Leadership changes often disappoint

    In almost all cases, positive trends were recorded in countries where leadership change generated hope for political renewal and economic reform. This includes Angola, after President José Eduardo dos Santos stepped down in 2017, and Ethiopia, following the rise to power of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. It also includes Zimbabwe, where the transfer of power from Robert Mugabe to Emmerson Mnangagwa was accompanied by promises that the Zanu-PF government would show greater respect for democratic norms and values in future.

    Sierra Leone also recorded a significant improvement in performance following the victory of opposition candidate Julius Maada Bio in the presidential election of 2018. Nigeria has continued to make modest but significant gains in economic management since Muhammadu Buhari replaced Goodluck Jonathan as president in 2015.

    The significance of leadership change in all of these processes is an important reminder of the extent to which power has been personalised. But it is important to note that events since the end of the period under review in 2019 have cast doubt on the significance of these transitions.

    Most notably, continued and in some cases increasing human rights abuses in countries such as Ethiopia, Nigeria, Tanzania and Zimbabwe suggest that we have seen “a changing of the guards” but not a change of political systems.

    Nowhere is this more true than Zimbabwe, where the last few weeks have witnessed a brutal government crackdown. Not only have journalists been arrested on flimsy charges, but the rule of law has been manipulated to keep them in jail. Following this sustained attack on democracy, it is now clear that the Mnangagwa government is no more committed to human rights and civil liberties than its predecessor was.

    There is no one ‘Africa’

    So what does the future hold? I often get asked what direction Africa is heading in. My answer is always the same: where democracy is concerned, there is no one “Africa”. The Bertelsmann Transformation Index report shows how true this is.

    In addition to the well-known differences between leading lights like Botswana and entrenched laggards like Rwanda, there is also a profound regional variation that is less well recognised and understood.

    From relatively similar starting points in the early 1990s, there has been a sharp divergence between West and Southern Africa – which have remained comparatively more open and democratic – and Central and Eastern Africa, which remained more closed and authoritarian. There is also some evidence that the average quality of democracy continued to decline in Eastern and Central Africa in the past few years. Because it continues to increase in West Africa, we have seen greater divergence between the two sets of regions.

    Figure 1. Average Democracy scores for African regions, BTI 2006-2020*

    These variations reflect the historical process through which governments came to power, the kinds of states over which they govern, and the disposition and influence of regional organisations. In particular, East Africa features a number of countries ruled by former rebel armies (Burundi, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Uganda). Here political control is underpinned by coercion and a longstanding suspicion of opposition.

    This is also a challenge in some Central African states. Here the added complication of long-running conflicts and political instability (Central African Republic, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo) has undermined government performance in many ways.

    A number of former military leaders have also governed West African states, including Ghana, Nigeria and Togo. But the proportion has been lower and some countries, such as Senegal, have a long tradition of plural politics and civilian leadership. In a similar vein, southern Africa features a number of liberation movements. But in a number of cases these developed out of broad-based movements that valued political participation and civil liberties. Partly as a result, former military or rebel leaders have had a less damaging impact on the prospects for democracy in Southern and West Africa.

    It is important not to exaggerate these regional differences. There is great variation within them as well as between them. But, this caveat notwithstanding, we should not expect to see any convergence around a common African democratic experience in the next few years. If anything, the gap between the continent’s most democratic and authoritarian regions is likely to become even wider.The Conversation

    Nic Cheeseman, Professor of Democracy, University of Birmingham

    Main photo by Photo by Artem Beliaikin from Pexels

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    Charles Telfair Centreis an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    « Fake News » : Pourquoi s’en soucier?

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    Rabin Bhujun, Fondateur et Lead Consultant RelateInc

    Les « fake news » prennent de l’ampleur et leurs dégâts réels restent encore à mesurer. Elles ont notamment foisonné à Maurice durant la crise COVID.  Dans cet article, Rabin Bhujun analyse les deux facteurs principaux qui ont aidé à décupler la propagation des fake news à Maurice et dans le monde :  les réseaux et la technologie, et, la nature humaine. Afin de contrer leur propagation et leurs dégâts, il recommande de meilleures réglementations, une meilleure éducation des audiences, ainsi qu’une plus grande prise de responsabilité et de transparence au sein des médias et des grands acteurs publicitaires.   

    Les fake news

    L’expression fake news occupe une place importante dans l’actualité internationale depuis le milieu des années 2010. Elle a été popularisée par son usage intempestif – et souvent abusif – aussi bien par des hommes politiques de premier plan que par les médias. Si le phénomène fake news n’est pas récent, sa gravité et son ampleur se sont toutefois amplifiées en temps de crise, notamment durant l’épidémie de Covid-19.

    Anodines et artisanales, les fake news se sont répandues sous la forme de rumeurs et commérages depuis que les humains communiquent entre eux. Dès 1620, dans Novum Organum, le philosophe Francis Bacon décrit la crédulité, conduisant le citoyen à succomber aux «idols of the cave» (‘idoles de la caverne’). L’idée que chacun a une caverne de pensées issues de son environnement, éducation et habitudes qui le pousse à se conforter dans ses propres préjugés.

    La propension des hommes à céder aux «idols of the cave» a été exploitée par des Etats et puissances militaires en temps de guerre mais aussi de paix à travers d’ingénieuses stratégies de désinformation. Cependant, la capacité des fake news à voyager loin, longtemps et auprès d’un grand nombre de personnes a été décuplée par deux facteurs principaux : 1) Les réseaux et la technologie et 2) La nature humaine.

    Les réseaux et la technologie

    Twitter rassemble 330 000 millions d’utilisateurs par mois, Instagram et Facebook en comptent respectivement 1 milliard et 2,7 milliards et la messagerie WhatsApp est un moyen de communication pour 2 milliards d’individus. Jadis, les stratégies de désinformation dépendaient de moyens logistiques lourds : impression, radiodiffusion et distribution clandestine. Les réseaux sociaux permettent désormais une propagation instantanée, et ciblée, de contenus délibérément trompeurs. C’est notamment ce qu’il s’est produit à grande échelle avec l’opération de Cambridge Analytica durant les présidentielles aux Etats-Unis de 2016 et plus récemment pour l’élection du chef d’Etat de l’Ukraine, en 2019. Un an plus tôt, c’était aussi le cas dans le cadre des législatives en Suède.

    La propagation de fake news, mais aussi la difficulté accrue de les distinguer d’informations avérées, est également facilitée par l’utilisation de nouveaux outils technologiques. Le développement de l’intelligence artificielle et du deep learning a inauguré l’ère des médias synthétiques. Ceux-ci permettent, par exemple, la création d’extraits audio et vidéo fabriqués de toutes pièces : Les deepfakes. Comme la fausse vidéo d’un Barack Obama, plus vrai que nature, insultant son successeur à la Maison Blanche.

    D’autres outils comme les Generative Adversarial Networks (GANs) sont utilisés pour itérer une succession massive de fake news, sans cesse recalibrées afin de les rapprocher le plus possible d’une version que le lecteur/spectateur moyen peut ensuite confondre avec une information crédible et légitime.

    La nature humaine

    En 2018, le trio Roy, Vosoughi et Aral, du Massachussetts Institute of Technology, a publié le fruit de leurs recherches sur les fake news à partir de l’analyse de millions de tweets publiés entre 2006 et 2017. Leur principale conclusion : Sur Twitter, les fake news se propagent plus rapidement que l’information factuelle. Les trois chercheurs estiment que ce qui est vrai sur Twitter, l’est aussi sur d’autres réseaux sociaux majeurs.

    En cause, explique régulièrement Sinan Aral : L’attrait qu’exerce la nouveauté et l’insolite auprès des utilisateurs des réseaux sociaux et des citoyens en général. Si la nouveauté attire, elle conduit également la personne l’ayant apprise à la partager. Le chercheur du MIT suggère que la propension à partager la nouveauté – qui se trouve en l’occurrence être une fake news – provient de la volonté d’être perçu comme étant une personne «in the know». Quelqu’un qui disposerait d’une meilleure compréhension de ce qui se déroule dans la société, l’économie et le monde politique.

    Si d’instinct, un grand nombre d’observateurs estiment que la propagation des fake news est facilitée par des personnes peu informées ou avec un sens critique réduit, d’autres études indiquent le contraire. Sous le titre provocateur « Why smart people are more likely to believe fake news », le quotidien britannique The Guardian cite les études ayant démontré que des personnes ayant pourtant réussi académiquement n’exercent pas suffisamment leur sens critique face à des fake news. Elles préfèrent se reposer sur leur intuition – la plus souvent trompeuse – à l’égard d’une information fabriquée, notamment par des logiciels comme les GANs. Ces derniers sont exploités pour simuler le plus fidèlement ce qui est crédible avec pour objectif de tromper la vigilance d’un esprit d’ordinaire critique.

     

    La Trahison des Images, Rene Magritte – Photo by Thomas Hawk

    La fake news et ses dégâts

    Qu’importe la cause de la propagation des fake news, les conséquences et les dégâts engendrés sont importants. Ils vont bien au-delà des désagréments causés à des stars qu’on fait mourir prématurément ou à l’exaspération temporaire à l’égard de parents qui auraient prétendument prénommé leur fille Brexit.

    Avant que l’intervention de puissances étrangères dans le processus électoral des Etats-Unis, du Royaume-Uni, de la Suède ou de l’Ukraine – et la sérieuse menace que cela pose aux démocraties – soit évoquée, les fake news avaient déjà engendré d’autres dégâts ; notamment économiques. Ainsi, en avril 2013, le compte Twitter piraté d’Associated Press avait rapporté la «nouvelle» d’un attentat à la Maison Blanche durant lequel l’ancien président Obama aurait été blessé.

    Dans un contexte où les entreprises et traders communiquent avec leurs clients et actionnaires via les réseaux sociaux, et où le trading algorithmique tient en compte le fil d’actualités à la minute près, ce fake news a fait chuter lourdement le S&P 500 de New York, évaporant l’équivalent de 130 USD milliards en valeur boursière. Les dégâts n’ont toutefois été que momentanés, car l’indice boursier a rapidement regagné le terrain perdu dans les heures suivant l’incident.

    Maurice et les fake news du COVID

    Durant la crise du coronavirus, notamment pendant le confinement total de fin mars à Maurice, les fake news ont failli causer des troubles d’une autre nature : ceux liés à l’ordre public. Le 24 mars, à la suite d’une «nouvelle» faisant état de pillages en cours dans une grande surface du nord du pays, un fort contingent de police s’est rendu, de nuit, dans ce hypermarché au nord de Port-Louis. Pendant que la police concentrait ses moyens de surveillance autour de ce centre commercial, c’est un autre commerce ; toujours en banlieue de la capitale ; mais moins surveillé ; qui avait été vandalisé.

    Durant la même période, le nombre officiel de malades de la Covid-19 dans le pays a été contesté sur une base quasi quotidienne. WhatsApp est devenu, durant cette période, la plateforme d’échange privilégiée pour transmettre le prétendument nombre réel de personnes infectées. Dans certain cas, des cartes du pays signalaient même les foyers d’infection, forçant, une nouvelle fois, les forces de l’ordre à effectuer de discrètes mais régulières patrouilles dans ces endroits afin de prévenir tout dérapage.

    A Maurice, comme ailleurs, le climat anxiogène causé par l’épidémie de Covid-19 a favorisé la propagation d’un nombre considérable de fake news. Un certain nombre de ces fake news contredisaient directement les consignes des autorités publiques visant à ralentir la propagation de la maladie. Au Canada, 25% des personnes participant à une étude de l’University of Regina ont cru, à tort, qu’une fake news était en fait une information factuelle et crédible. En Grande Bretagne, une étude commanditée par Ofcom en mars a conclu que, face au déluge d’information sur le coronavirus, 40% des personnes interrogées ne savaient plus faire la différence entre ce qui était vrai de ce qui ne l’était pas. Malgré le manque de données, il semble probable que, dans une certaine mesure, les résultats de ces études soient également applicables au contexte mauricien.

    Transparence, éducation et réglementations

    Devant l’essor des fake news, un plan d’actions croisées est suggéré. Celui-ci requiert toutefois l’intervention de plusieurs acteurs ; sans garantie de succès, voire avec d’autres risques associés dans certains cas.

    • Une obligation accrue de transparence de la part d’acteurs majeurs comme Google ou Facebook, afin de déterminer quelles informations leurs utilisateurs partagent et à quelle fin ; mais aussi de comprendre comment leurs algorithmes favorisent, ou pas, le partage de certains contenus. Cette obligation serait toutefois en porte-à-faux avec la volonté des utilisateurs de ces plateformes de se prémunir contre la surveillance de leurs activités sur les réseaux.
    • Une meilleure labellisation du contenu partagé sur les réseaux sociaux en forçant les plateformes d’information à expliquer clairement comment leurs nouvelles sont vérifiées et contre vérifiées afin d’en assurer la crédibilité. Facebook le fait déjà, mais avec un minimum d’information, sur les pages diffusant du contenu en masse.
    • S’attaquer à l’économie des fake news en privant de publicité les sites qui produisent ce type de contenu ou qui les partagent. Cela requerrait la collaboration active des principaux acteurs de la publicité en ligne comme Facebook, Google et Taboola notamment.
    • Durcir les lois pénales. Cette voie a déjà été adoptée dans un certain nombre de pays, dont Maurice, ou l’Information and Communication Technologies Act a été durcie. Les militants des droits humains s’inquiètent toutefois des possibles dérives autoritaires que ces lois faciliteraient en exerçant un contrôle plus strict sur la liberté d’expression. Le Code Pénal mauricien punit déjà le délit de publication et diffusion de «fausse nouvelle» depuis 1838.
    • Encourager les médias à mieux informer et éduquer leurs audiences, notamment en ne cédant pas eux-mêmes à la tentation de consolider les informations erronées, partiellement correctes, hors contextes ou carrément fausses sous le label unique et trompeur fake news. Ceci tend à saper la crédibilité des médias d’information dans leur ensemble. Les médias doivent aussi éduquer leurs audiences afin qu’elles développent le réflexe de consulter une diversité de sources d’information.

     

    Main Photo byJoshua Miranda from Pexels

    Charles Telfair Centreis an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    Africa has a growing food security problem: why it can’t be fixed without proper data

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    Simon Roberts, University of Johannesburg and Jason Bell, University of Johannesburg

    The COVID-19 pandemic and consequent lockdown measures have had a huge negative impact on producers and consumers. Food production has been disrupted, and incomes have been lost. But a far more devastating welfare consequence of the pandemic could be reduced access to food.

    A potential rise in food insecurity is a key policy point for many countries. The World Economic Forum has stated this pandemic is set to “radically exacerbate food insecurity in Africa”. This, and other supplier shocks, such as locust swarms in East Africa, have made many African economies more dependent on externally sourced food.

    As the pandemic continues to spread, the continued functioning of regional and national food supply chains is vital to avoid a food security crisis in countries dependent on agriculture. This is true in terms of both nutrition and livelihoods. Many countries in Southern and East African economies are in this situation.

    The integration of regional economies is one vehicle for alleviating pervasive food security issues. But regional integration can’t be achieved without the appropriate support for investment in production, infrastructure and capabilities.

    And, crucially, there must be more accurate and timely information about food markets. Data on food prices are crucial for political and economic stability. Yet they are not easily accessible.

    A study by the Centre for Competition, Regulation and Economic Development highlights how poor and inconsistent pricing data severely affects the quality of any assessment of agricultural markets in the Southern and East African region.

    What’s missing

    There have been attempts to collate and disseminate agricultural prices internationally. National commodity exchanges have also been created in some countries to facilitate wholesale agricultural trade and the collection of market and price information in Africa. These include the Regional Agricultural Trade Intelligence Network, the Food and Agricultural Organization’s Corporate Statistical Database and the World Food Programme’s Vulnerability Analysis and Mapping database.

    But the overall effectiveness of commodity exchanges has been limited in countries in Southern and East Africa. With some exceptions, they have not been widely used, meaning that small producers have not had good access to reliable pricing information.

    The patchy data that is available at the producer level indicates very large price differentials across Southern and East Africa. These differentials are far in excess of reasonable transport and related costs. They speak to the lack of integration of markets. They also point to the potential that local market power is being exploited. An example would be the power of large buyers over small producers who face high transport costs to individually transport goods to faraway markets.

    Having up-to-date information on food prices – along with other market information relating to production and market structures – is necessary to understand agricultural food systems in the region. This is crucial to track events ranging from the effects of this pandemic to the weather as well as locust swarms.

    Without close to realtime data, it is not possible to rapidly plan appropriate responses.

    In addition, the lack of readily available market data restricts our understanding of the impact of changing supply and demand conditions in local markets, and regional value chains more broadly. The climate crisis – and other supply shocks like the pandemic – imply much greater volatility in production and food prices. The effects will become ever more dire for farmers, vulnerable consumers and downstream industries.

    Hit the reset button

    Máximo Torero, chief economist of the Food and Agriculture Organization, has observed that this pandemic is an opportunity to hit the reset button on policies to alleviate food security problems. It has emphasised the fragility of overdependence on a globalised agricultural system. What is needed to achieve a more integrated and regionalised agricultural system is coordinated public policy responses to support agribusiness. These responses must also ensure small and medium-sized farmers are included.

    The World Bank is working closely with many governments to track domestic food and agricultural supply chains. The goal is to ensure that food systems continue to function despite the challenges wrought by COVID-19. In addition, the Food and Agriculture Organization has mapped a way to potentially avoid a looming food crisis in Africa. These short-term measures are welcomed.

    Action can be taken at a regional level too. For example, an effective market observatory would assist in the promulgation of wider, deeper and more competitive agricultural markets. Market observatories help market participants in reading market signals while also reducing market volatility.

    Examples of these can be found throughout the European Union covering a range of agricultural products. Developing this capability would also contribute to identifying key trends in the region in close to realtime. And it would help identify issues relating to market access, border and transport-related problems, and possible anticompetitive behaviour.

    In the medium to long term, greater attention is needed on ensuring appropriate market shaping measures for more resilient and integrated regional agricultural systems in the Southern and East African region. Such measures depend on having accurate and timely information on market participants, food production and prices.The Conversation

    Simon Roberts, Professor of Economics and Lead Researcher, Centre for Competition, Regulation and Economic Development, UJ, University of Johannesburg and Jason Bell, Researcher at the Centre for Competition Regulation and Economic Development, University of Johannesburg

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    Main Photo by Abubakar Balogun on Unsplash

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    COVID-19 and the Opportunity of a New Social Contract for Mauritius

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    Roukaya KasenallyAssociate Professor in Media and Political Systems, University of Mauritius

    In her research on the Mauritian democratic system, Roukaya Kasenally highlights a system that celebrates ethnic politics, tolerates dynastic politics and promotes the interest of certain groups in exchange for financial support and/or the distribution of money to influence voters. In a COVID 19 context calling for a ‘new normal’ she argues for a new social contract that would, among other things, put greater weight on demand-side democracy, propose improved regulations on party financing and promote the democratisation of internal political party processes. 

    A new social contract for ‘the new normal’

    Mauritius’ political, economic and social history has been known for its resilience. From the ominous statements made by two Nobel laureates – Meade and Naipaul to the pre-independence riots of 1968, the small island state could easily have veered towards violence and instability. Instead, it opted for the ballot culture [1] and espoused a development state model premised on a participating private sector, an able and competent bureaucracy, the management of ethnic diversity, institutional development and the ability to ensure social dialogue [2]. In the process, Mauritius became a case study for economic success, diversity management and democratic sustainability.

    Mauritius has followed diligently a path of sustained growth and economic diversification for more than half a century [3]. However, there is increasing evidence that inequality and exclusion are on the rise, that public debt is ballooning and trust in institutions is waning. Could COVID 19 act as a catalyst for change? Arguably, the advent of COVID 19 as a global phenomenon has prompted leaders, policymakers as well as citizens to adopt alternative approaches – termed as ‘the new normal’ based on a new social contract.

    The genesis behind the social contract is found in the work of Rousseau [4], where he proposed a method for establishing a political community. So, what would the new social contract for Mauritius include? A new economic agenda? A new political culture? A new cultural manifest? It probably would have to include all of these different features. For the purpose of this article, my focus will be on instilling a new political culture as the first pillar of this new social contract. In fact, politics is at the centre for systemic change in many societies and can help shape a new set of norms and values.

    Ethnic, Dynastic and Money Politics

    In an article for the Journal of Democracy, entitled “Mauritius: Paradise Reconsidered”, I deconstructed what I termed as the ‘picture perfect Mauritian democracy’. In fact, at the heart of our democracy, we celebrate ethnic politics, tolerate dynastic politics and promote the interest of certain groups in exchange for financial support andor distribution of money to influence voters. In a forthcoming publication commissioned by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, entitled ‘Cost of Politics in Mauritius’ [5], I demonstrate how these three features have not only weakened our democracy but have acted as major barriers to those contesting elections with a particular impact on women and youth.

    It is important to note that in the last two decades, there has been a lot of talk but very little action concerning the need for electoral reform and more recently a demand for doing politics differently.  Electoral reform, although agreed among political parties as a necessity to modernise our current electoral system, has been unable to broker bipartisan support in parliament. The latest example being the failed ‘Political Financing Bill’ introduced in 2019 unable to receive the required three-quarter majority in parliament to become law. As for political renewal, this has remained more of mantra at times making it impossible to execute due to the current electoral and political systems that favour mainstream political parties.

    Towards a new political culture

    So how does one get out of this status quo? How does one start to promote a new political culture? The solution might seem simplistic but there is an urgent need to invest in what is termed as demand-side democracy. Mauritius so far has essentially promoted the supply side aspect namely – the creation and setting up of institutions, the holding of elections on a regular basis, the presence of an opposition in parliament amongst others. However, what has been absent is the involvement and say of citizens beyond an election. In fact, this is the very essence of a democracy: to be representative, participatory and deliberative. Maybe a start to this is was what we witnessed on the 29th August when tens of thousands of Mauritians took to the street following the MVWakashio Oil Spill. In fact, protest politics is an integral part of democracy.

    Mauritians demonstrating in the streets of Port Louis following the MV Wakashio Oil Spill- Protest Politics is an integral part of democracy

    Demand-side democracy can also be enhanced through the advent of voter/ citizen education. Unfortunately, in the last thirty years, Mauritiussaw an acceleration of voter clientelism. This was to a great extent revealed in the forthcoming publication on ‘Cost of Politics in Mauritius’ where political ideology has been replaced by ‘what is in for me’ attitude. To counter such an attitude there is the need to invest in educating voters on the significance of the ballot and political parties have the onus to engage with voters in a more intelligent manner.

    Accountability, transparency, democratisation

    Instilling a new political culture cannot be envisaged if money politics continues to be a strong determinant in the manner that politics and voting are conducted. Politics is getting increasingly expensive and one needs money to contest an election. This has a crowding-out effect allowing only wealthy, connected or even corrupt people to enter politics, win seats and enjoy the spoils of power. Therefore, it is imperative that the necessary legislation be introduced to cull the presence of big money. Legislation coupled with the requirement of making the registration of political parties mandatory (beyond an election campaign) can start to shift the existing culture from one laced with opacity to greater accountability and transparency. In the long run, the much-needed level playing field can be attained.

    A new political culture, to a great extent, emanates from political parties themselves as they set the tone to the type of ideology and conversation within a given society. In a study, conducted on political parties in Mauritius (Bunwaree and Kasenally, 2005) reference is made to the highly controlled system dictating the management of mainstream political parties. The study revealed that, to a large extent, it is the party leader who makes key decisions and manages the party purse. This top-down approach to political party management is compounded by the fact that there are no elections for party leadership. Therefore, it is imperative that political parties democratise their internal functions and promote representativeness and accountability within their own party.

    As an endnote, charting out a new social contract is a long-haul process that will require sustained investment at all levels. It is not something that can be achieved in a siloed approach but on the contrary, will require a sense of collectivism. Promoting national conversations, engaging with citizens beyond elections and, as highlighted in this article, start to address the trust deficiency in politics.

     

    [1] Bunwaree, S. & Kasenally, R. (2005). ‘Political Parties and Democracy in Mauritius’, EISA Research Report, 19

    [2] Bunwaree, S. (2005). ‘State-Society Relations: Re-engineering the Mauritian Social Contract.’ Paper presented at the 2005 CODESRIA General Assembly, December 6–10, 2005, Maputo, Mozambique

    [3] Ramtohul, R. & Eriksen, T. H. (2018). The Mauritian Paradox: Fifty Years of Development, Diversity and Democracy. UOM Press: Mauritius

    [4] Rousseau, J-J. (1762). The Social Contract. Penguin Publishers

    [5] Kasenally, R. & Ramtohul, R. (forthcoming). ‘The Cost of Politics: Mauritius’. Westminster Foundation for Democracy. London: UK

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    Main Photo: Nicola Barnett/Flickr

     

    Mauritius oil spill: how coral reefs, mangroves and seagrass could be affected

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    Sometimes bad things happen in the worst possible places – like the MV Wakashio running aground on shallow reefs off the south-east coast of Mauritius on July 25. The wreck of the bulk carrier ship began leaking oil in front of a nature reserve island (Ile aux Aigrettes), a couple of kilometres from a marine park (Blue Bay), and close to an internationally important wetland area (Pointe d’Esny Ramsar Site).

    The MV Wakashio was carrying 4,000 tonnes of oil, which hardly compares to the 400,000 tonnes spilled in the Deepwater Horizon disaster of 2010. But it was the vessel’s proximity to the globally recognised cluster of ecosystems in Mauritius that means this spill could have long lasting consequences.

    Mauritius is a biodiversity hotspot and much of the island’s unique wildlife depends on intricate connections between the reefs, lagoons, seagrass meadows and mangroves, so pollution in one habitat can have a devastating ripple effect.

    With that in mind, what does the recent oil spill mean for the environment here?

    What happens during an oil spill?

    As soon as oil enters the ocean, lighter compounds in the fuel evaporate and the surrounding air can become toxic to wildlife and even harmful to human health. Oil slicks form on the sea surface and are carried away from the spill site.

    When reefs and other habitats are nearby, it’s this early window that is most crucial for preventing damage. Containing the spill with booms or collecting the oil while it is on the surface with skimmers can help stop it spreading.

    As the lighter components of the oil evaporate, a heavy sludge forms and can be carried by the tide towards the coastline. Washed up, it effectively smothers any organism it touches, including corals, fish and seabirds, while toxic compounds accumulate in their tissues. Eventually, microbes will break down the remaining oil, but this may take many years.

    Connections in coastal ecosystems

    More than 500 metres of coral reef are thought to have been destroyed by the ship as it ran aground, but this is just the beginning.

    As the oil sinks, it can cover more of the reef. Corals depend on sunlight for sustenance but they also eat floating microorganisms called zooplankton. Aside from clouding the water and reducing sunlight, oil pollution has been shown to kill zooplankton, while the toxic chemicals in crude oil weaken the ability of corals to photosynthesise. Deep water corals coated in oil experienced tissue swelling and ruptures.

    In the years following an oil spill, growth and reproduction is reduced, leaving less live coral on reefs. In spite of this, coral reefs are resilient ecosystems and can recover to pre-disaster conditions over several decades, as long-term research following an oil spill in 1986 off the coast of Panama showed.

    Key to that recovery are the efforts of local species. Parrotfish, for example, provide an essential service to reefs on the south-east coast of Mauritius by eating seaweeds that could otherwise choke and consume the coral when it’s weakened by pollution. But they don’t spend their whole lives doing this, they’re born and raised in nearby mangroves and seagrass beds.

     

    Many reef fish depend on corals for food and habitat, while corals depend on the fish grazing for reproductive success.
    Photo by Francesco Ungaro on Unsplash

    Mangrove forests are coastal wetlands comprised of a dense jumble of trees that thrive in salt water. Their tangled roots form almost impenetrable mazes that offer nursery habitats for parrotfish, snappers, jacks, barracudas and even sharks. Here, young reef fish can grow up safe beyond the reach of larger predators.

    Seagrass form underwater plains of flowering plants. They are another kind of nursery refuge for ocean life, but, like mangroves, they struggle to recover from oil pollution. Both habitats tend to flourish where waves and tides are gentle. Sediment builds up around them and so does oil sludge.

    Mangroves on the coast of Mauritius are important ecosystems. Photo: reibei/Flickr.

    Aside from nurturing future generations of coral reef fish, mangroves and seagrass meadows trap material that runs off the land, providing clearer coastal waters over reefs. In turn, reefs absorb the energy of waves from the open ocean, protecting mangroves and beaches from erosion.

    Marine life in places like Mauritius rely on all three ecosystems, and species often reside in one while feeding in another. This ensures a steady flow of nutrients between them. Seabirds nesting in mangroves feed on seagrass meadows and their organic waste is carried onto reefs where it nourishes organisms there.

    These connections mean that if one ecosystem is damaged, the others are also affected. This ensures that the effects of oil spills are often more severe than they might first appear. Only by monitoring and protecting each of these ecosystems can there be any hope for long-term recovery in the region.The Conversation

    Sivajyodee Sannassy Pilly, PhD Candidate in Marine Ecology, Bangor University; John Turner, Professor of Marine Biology and Head of School of Ocean Sciences, Bangor University, and Ronan Roche, Research Fellow in Marine Science, Bangor University

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    Main Photo: International Maritime Organisation/Flickr

    Pandemic underscores burden women carry doing paid and unpaid reproductive labour

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    Odile Mackett, University of the Witwatersrand

    Debates about women’s unpaid reproductive labour have been going on since the first woman received cash for her services. Reproductive labour includes cooking, cleaning, and caring for the elderly, the sick and children.

    It’s important to make the distinction between paid and unpaid reproductive labour. Paid reproductive labour is performed in exchange for money or a wage. Unpaid reproductive labour is done for free, and usually for the household in which the individual lives.

    This reproductive work has traditionally been undervalued by both formal and informal institutions in societies, whether paid or unpaid.

    As paid reproductive workers, women often find themselves in occupations that are highly feminised. These are jobs which consist of a large percentage of female workers, such as work in domestic service, health care or clerical work. This is either because those are the only types of jobs available to them or because their ‘skill set’ is said to be conducive for that type of labour. These types of occupations also tend to be lower paid and more insecure than other occupations.

    As unpaid reproductive work, on the other hand, the work of women has gone widely unnoticed and is excluded from things such as the calculation of a country’s gross domestic product (GDP). Even though the calculation of GDP is said to consider goods produced within the home, quantifying the value of goods produced for use within the home is still a challenge for statisticians.

    The production of goods and services within the home has typically been carried out by women, as girls and boys are socialised about their respective roles within the household from a young age. As women entered formal paid employment, many thought (as per the prescriptions of traditional economic theory) that the reproductive labour burden would equalise between men and women. But this didn’t happen.

    The gap between men and women in paid and unpaid work remains vast, and women who are in paid jobs often still perform these duties in addition to their wage labour. Women are estimated to spend up to five hours a day more on unpaid reproductive labour than men. To cope with these responsibilities, these tasks have increasingly become ‘outsourced’ to people who live outside the household. Examples are employing a domestic worker to clean, employing a nanny to care for children, or ordering take-aways rather than cooking in the home.

    Even where these tasks are performed outside the home, women may be left to pay for them or ‘manage’ the employees who perform them.

    Women’s extended working days have thus become normalised, despite the adverse effects this has on women’s progression within the labour market and their general well-being.

    The COVID-19 pandemic has forced a fresh look at this state of affairs. It has shone a light on the impact that poverty, inequality and unemployment have on people every day. This includes the hardships women face and the burden placed on them to manage responsibilities on a daily basis.

    Drivers

    Some of the reasons women have been adversely affected by the current pandemic include the fact that health workers and other essential service workers are disproportionately female. In addition, women are more likely to be employed in insecure jobs.

    An underestimated problem is the fact that the institutions to which women traditionally outsourced their domestic duties have been closed down to prevent the spread of the coronavirus for extended periods. Domestic workers and nannies have been sent home, and schools, restaurants and fast food outlets have been closed.

    As a result, all these services have had to be performed within the household.

    This has worsened existing inequalities between men and women. In countries like the UK and the US, women have started spending more time than men on childcare and home schooling, but have also been more likely to lose their jobs as a result of business closures.

    In South Africa, more than half of women reported that they were temporarily absent from work during the lockdown. Men have not been as severely affected. Women have also been more likely to lose their jobs than men. The loss was more likely if the individual had lower levels of education or was employed in the informal sector.

    In addition, a greater percentage of women compared to men reported living with at least one child, and women also tended to have more children in the household compared to men. This has resulted in more time spent on childcare, whether they remained in employment or not.

    This pandemic has thus highlighted how important the work of women is to the ongoing functioning of our society. Women are currently saddled with the ongoing education of the future workforce of the country while schools gradually reopen. They are also more likely to be doing the cooking, cleaning and caring in the home. Or they are managing whoever is being paid to do it instead.

    This again highlights the need for governments to take a gendered approach in policy deliberations for relief during and after the pandemic. Numerous recommendations have been made including the provision of basic social protection to informal sector workers – many of whom are women – and ensuring women are adequately represented in discussions related to relief measures.The Conversation

     

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    Main image source:freepik.com

     

    Leadership, Culture and Networks: the Charles Telfair Campus’ transition to online delivery during COVID-19

     

    Office for Innovation, Learning, Teaching and Research (ILTR), Charles Telfair Campus – Odylle Charoux, Director of Innovation and Change Management; Shafiiq Gopee, Head, Office of Learning and Teaching; Vikash Rowtho, Head of Research.

     

    During the COVID19 lockdown, the Charles Telfair Campus (CTC), a private higher education provider in Mauritius, transitioned all its learning, teaching and assessment activities online without interruption. In this case study, the team behind the Office for Innovation, Learning, Teaching and Research (ILTR)  explains how CTC’s collaborative leadership model, its culture of support and the optimisation of its structures and networks have, together with everyone’s hard work, ensured the successful continuity of learning for all CTC students.

     

    An unprecedented global disruption

    According to UNESCO, the education of 1.5 billion students, from 160 countries, has or continues to be impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. For some, sadly, education came to a stand-still, but for others contingency plans to ensure the continuity of learning were rapidly deployed. In March of 2020, when the Mauritian Government announced the country’s lockdown, it was estimated that 850 million individuals had transitioned to alternative forms of teaching and learning worldwide.

    Following the lockdown announcement, all local universities in Mauritius moved online with various degrees of success. Institutions better equipped for online learning, such as the University of Mauritius, Open University of Mauritius and most private institutions managed to transition to some form of online teaching delivery, but not all could deliver assessment online. During the lockdown, the Charles Telfair Campus (CTC), a private higher education provider in Mauritius, transitioned all learning, teaching and assessment activities online without interruption. The campus managed to maintain student engagement and performance throughout the transition:

    “The entire CTC student population switched to studying online the moment confinement was imposed. Although this period has been challenging for everyone, the success of this rapid transition reflects the agility and commitment of our staff to their students, as well as the efficacy of the various systems and processes already in place at our campus. Covid-19 gave us the opportunity to test our institution’s values as driver of change and people actions during difficult times. Today, I can proudly salute our staff for the amazing job done. I also salute all CTC students for their maturity, positive attitude and excellent academic achievements, despite all the obstacles encountered this semester”. Dr Jeremy Charoux, Executive Director, Charles Telfair Campus, July 2020.

    CTC’s successful transition from face-to-face to online learning and teaching was achieved thanks to three key factors: transformational leadership, a culture of commitment to students experience and operating structures.

    Leadership in Learning and Teaching

    At the onset of the Covid19 pandemic a contingency plan, to pursue operations in the event of a campus closure was prepared by the Executive Director in collaboration with the Pro-Vice-Chancellor of Curtin Mauritius and the CTC Management team, including the three members of the Office for Innovation, Learning, Teaching and Research (ILTR). It was agreed that an immediate switch to virtual delivery, with no pause or disruption to the academic calendar and no change to timetables for both students and instructors, would take place to allow continuity in students’ learning. This was followed by an academic staff meeting during which the pedagogical implications of the online transition were reviewed and best practices discussed. On Wednesday 18 March, an immediate country lockdown was announced by the Mauritian Government. On the very next day, all classes at CTC transitioned to an online delivery mode and all academics were asked to continue to deliver the curriculum to help their students meet the semesters planned learning outcomes. Instructors were encouraged to select the learning strategies and tools which they saw as best fit to meet the needs of their students and the constraints of their curriculum.

    During ‘normal’ times, the ILTR team plays a leading role in empowering and motivating CTC academics in their task of delivering high-quality learning and teaching experiences to the diverse, 2000-strong, student population. To achieve this mission, ILTR team members strive to keep up to date with best global practices and scholarly research in education. As it is the case for other institutions of Higher Learning, the biggest challenge remains the sharing of lessons learnt with the passion required to inspire others to adopt them.

    Over the years, the ILTR team adopted Transformational Leadership Strategies developed by Bernard Bass, which proved successful both during normal time and during the forced Covid-19 transition to online learning. One such strategy was the creation of ONE Leadership Team, consisting of all Faculty Heads and ILTR team members, to provide academic direction for the institution together, in a collegial and cohesive manner. A second strategy was to conduct weekly meetings when entire faculty engaged in exploration of scholarly research, shared teaching experiences, tested new learning and teaching practices and resolved issues through consensus. The focus was on developing passion, providing inspiration and giving choices while facilitating decision-making. Ruslan Desyatnikov argues that Bass’ Transformational Leadership style can help organisations deal with the agility required to succeed in such crisis situations as the COVID-19 Pandemic:

    “Transformational leaders see the bigger picture to better understand the extent of the crisis before executing the response. They seek the counsel of those closest to the situation and harness others’ know-how to create a logical, flexible and adaptive plan.” (Desyatnikov R, 17 July 2020).

    During a ‘post-mortem’ reflection on CTC’s transition to online delivery conducted on 27 July 2020 with all academics, staff shared their online transition experience.They described their experience as very challenging but successful and enriching in terms of student engagement, continuity in student performance and professional growth. The ILTR also conducted a poll among all its academic staff using a digital questionnaire adapted from “How to Teach Online: Providing Continuity for Students”, a MOOC offered by FutureLearn (2020).

    Interestingly, according to this poll, the biggest challenges for CTC staff: i.e. keeping students interested and engaged (35% of staff), and pastoral care (21% of staff) were also recognised as dimensions of success: i.e. keeping students engaged (22% of staff) and supported (17% of staff).

     

    Figure 1: ILTR Poll – What was the biggest challenge you encountered in your online teaching? (% of academic staff)
    Figure 2: ILTR Poll – What was the biggest success you encountered in your online teaching? (% of academic staff)

    Monitoring Progress and Targeted Student Support

    Supporting students during online study is essential for success. Tony Bates identifies the primary source of support as the instructor who guides, mentors, moderates, and provides student feedback and assessment:

    Particularly in online environments where students can feel isolated, your continuous feedback is essential to supporting their learning…. Where students feel the instructor is not present, both learner performance and completion rates decline. For such students, good, timely learner support is the difference between success and failure”. (Bates T, 2019)

    One of the major pre-occupations of the ILTR team was how to monitor the impact of the online approach on each learner throughout the crisis, to ensure timely support by Heads of Faculties and instructors. One simple, but highly successful tool used for monitoring the progress and support of individual students was the introduction of Google Sheets for students to provide quick feedback to their instructors about each learning session, share their progress or raise issues.

    Beyond academic issues, students needed further support on aspects such as availability of digital tools, poor bandwidth or feelings of loneliness and anxiety, amongst others. More formal student evaluation surveys, using Qualtrics, were thus run by the ILTR team during the lockdown period. The results were analysed and immediate remedial support was activated by all concerned, including lecturers, administrative staff, counselling professionals or IT support staff.

    Academic Team Support

    Much effort was deployed by the Heads of Faculties, to ensure that all staff remained connected, engaged, informed and supported throughout the confinement. Proceedings of all group meetings were documented and shared for follow-up actions. The Heads of Faculties were key in maintaining the resilience, collegiality and can-do attitude which prevailed amongst the academic staff. They took the time to listen to concerns, expressed gratitude for extraordinary work being done by individuals and encouraged sharing of best practice and know-how. They led by example by taking on board the tedious task of following up on students’ issues, calling those who did not join classes to motivate, get feedback, and liaise with support teams to solve identified problems. They remained on-call throughout the day, including evenings and weekends.

    Structure, Networks and Digital preparedness

    Another key factor for successful online delivery is, of course, access to IT tools, the internet and a minimum level of digital preparedness. During this pandemic, the digital divide prevailing in less developed countries meant that education was and is still completely disrupted for millions of students. In Mauritius, the rate of mobile phone uptake, as well as the rate of internet uptake for 2019 both exceed 100%. Yet, the Covid-19 pandemic revealed important disparities in the ability to harness the power of technology and the internet within the Mauritian society. The constraints were varied, ranging from unsuitable devices, lack of skills, challenging home environment, poor or interrupted internet connection and regular power failures.

    Unlike some other learning communities in Mauritius and beyond, the CTC community has the advantage of being well-equipped for online studies. Lecturers and students own a personal laptop or other digital devices, have access to the internet and use a range of modern software tools during their studies.

    The acquisition of digital dexterity is an integral part of the CTC curriculum and about two-thirds of the student population use Blackboard, a reputable Learning Management System (LMS). These students and their instructors had the required structure for the online transition. The other third, who could not access Blackboard, had picked up some knowledge of LMS and their functionality from their peers and could create their own online learning systems by combining simpler available software. Full online delivery of courses was, however, a totally new practice for most faculty members and students.

    An additional advantage for CTC online transition was the continuous support of its international academic partners during the crisis period. For example, Curtin University, through its Pro-Vice-Chancellor, ensured that all assessment tasks were transformed by the Unit Coordinators in Perth for the local context, including solutions to cope with the local power cuts or poor internet bandwidth. Curtin also ensured that students received the training required prior to engaging in proctored, online examinations on their own. Similarly, our North and South Metropolitan TAFE partners quality assured all assessment tasks which our lecturers had to modify for remote learning

    Lessons Learnt and Future Plans

    The teaching semester for CTC ended at the end of June, with students completing final assignments or proctored exams on-line, at home. Most CTC students scored well; some doing better than during the face-to-face teaching era. CTC’s collaborative leadership, its culture of support and the optimisation of its structures and networks have, together with everyone’s hard work, ensured continuity of learning for all CTC students.

    In the event of further lockdowns, CTC is confident in its ability to deliver its courses online. We also know that, with better preparation, more time and increased knowledge of online tools and pedagogy, we can do better. While it has been truly inspiring to witness our colleagues’ and partners come together to assure continuity of learning and support students in the rapid transition to virtual learning, there are still uncertainties and challenges ahead. We must prepare for a future where online learning, in one way or another, will probably play an important role in education. Our goal is to ensure that our learners receive the best possible learning experience while achieving their educational objectives without disruptions in the event of any further crisis such as a second wave of COVID-19 infection or other unforeseen similar catastrophes.

     

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    Main image source: Photo by Peter Olexa from Pexels

    Design global, manufacture local: a new industrial revolution?

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    The community of L'Atelier Paysan is building a wheat thresher. Chris Giotitsas/University of Leicester, CC BY-NC-ND

     

    Vasilis Kostakis, Harvard University and Jose Ramos, Victoria University

    What if globally designed products could radically change how we work, produce and consume? Several examples across continents show the way we are producing and consuming goods could be improved by relying on globally shared digital resources, such as design, knowledge and software.

    Imagine a prosthetic hand designed by geographically dispersed communities of scientists, designers and enthusiasts in a collaborative manner via the web. All knowledge and software related to the hand is shared globally as a digital commons.

    People from all over the world who are connected online and have access to local manufacturing machines (from 3D printing and CNC machines to low-tech crafts and tools) can, ideally with the help of an expert, manufacture a customised hand. This the case of the OpenBionics project, which produces designs for robotic and bionic devices.

    There are no patent costs to pay for. Less transportation of materials is needed, since a considerable part of the manufacturing takes place locally; maintenance is easier, products are designed to last as long as possible, and costs are thus much lower.

     

    The first version of OpenBionics prosthetic and robotic hands. from www.openbionics.org
     

    Take another example. Small-scale farmers in France need agricultural machines to support their work. Big companies rarely produce machines specifically for small-scale farmers. And if they do, the maintenance costs are high and the farmers have to adjust their farming techniques to the logic of the machines. Technology, after all, is not neutral.

    So the farmers decide to design the agricultural machines themselves. They produce machines to accommodate their needs and not to sell them for a price on the market. They share their designs with the world – as a global digital commons. Small scale farmers from the US share similar needs with their French counterparts. They do the same. After a while, the two communities start to talk to each other and create synergies.

    That’s the story of the non-profit network FarmHack (US) and the co-operative L’Atelier Paysan (France) which both produce open-source designs for agricultural machines.

    With our colleagues, we have been exploring the contours of an emerging mode of production that builds on the confluence of the digital commons of knowledge, software, and design with local manufacturing technologies.

    We call this model “design global, manufacture local” and argue that it could lead to sustainable and inclusive forms of production and consumption. It follows the logic that what is light (knowledge, design) becomes global while what is heavy (manufacturing) is local, and ideally shared.

    When knowledge is shared, materials tend to travel less and people collaborate driven by diverse motives. The profit motive is not totally absent, but it is peripheral.

    Decentralised open resources for designs can be used for a wide variety of things, medicines, furniture, prosthetic devices, farm tools, machinery and so on. For example, the Wikihouse project produces designs for houses; the RepRap community creates designs for 3D printers. Such projects do not necessarily need a physical basis as their members are dispersed all over the world.

    Finding sustainability

    But how are these projects funded? From receiving state funding (a research grant) and individual donations (crowdfunding) to alliances with established firms and institutions, commons-oriented projects are experimenting with various business models to stay sustainable.

    Design is developed as a global digital commons, whereas the manufacturing takes place locally, often through shared infrastructures. Vasilis Kostakis, Nikos Exarchopoulos

     

    These globally connected local, open design communities do not tend to practice planned obsolescence. They can adapt such artefacts to local contexts and can benefit from mutual learning.

    In such a scenario, Ecuadorian mountain people can for example connect with Nepalese mountain farmers to learn from each other and stop any collaboration that would make them exclusively dependent on proprietary knowledge controlled by multinational corporations.

    Towards ‘cosmolocalism’

    This idea comes partly from discourse on cosmopolitanism which asserts that each of us has equal moral standing, even as nations treat people differently. The dominant economic system treats physical resources as if they were infinite and then locks up intellectual resources as if they were finite. But the reality is quite the contrary. We live in a world where physical resources are limited, while non-material resources are digitally reproducible and therefore can be shared at a very low cost.

    Moving electrons around the world has a smaller ecological footprint than moving coal, iron, plastic and other materials. At a local level, the challenge is to develop economic systems that can draw from local supply chains.

    Imagine a water crisis in a city so severe that within a year the whole city may be out of water. A cosmolocal strategy would mean that globally distributed networks would be active in solving the issue. In one part of the world, a water filtration system is prototyped – the system itself is based on a freely available digital design that can be 3D printed.

    This is not fiction. There is actually a network based in Cape Town, called STOP RESET GO, which wants to run a cosmolocalisation design event where people would intensively collaborate on solving such a problem.

    The Cape Town STOP RESET GO teams draw upon this and begin to experiment with it with their lived challenges. To make the system work they need to make modifications, and they document this and make the next version of the design open. Now other locales around the world take this new design and apply it to their own challenges.

    Limitations and future research

    A limitation of this new model is its two main pillars, such as information and communication as well as local manufacturing technologies. These issues may pertain to resource extraction, exploitative labour, energy use or material flows.

    A thorough evaluation of such products and practices would need to take place from a political ecology perspective. For example, what is the ecological footprint of a product that has been globally designed and locally manufactured? Or,to what degree do the users of such a product feel in control of the technology and knowledge necessary for its use and manipulation?

    Now our goal is to provide some answers to the questions above and, thus, better understand the transition dynamics of such an emerging mode of production.The Conversation

     

    Vasilis Kostakis, Senior Research Fellow at Tallinn University of Technology, Affiliate at Berkman Klein Center, Harvard University and Jose Ramos, Lecturer, Globalisation Studies, Victoria University

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    The Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a Catalyst for a Quantum Leap in Economic Development – Can Mauritius benefit?

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    Image by Valdas Miskinis from Pixabay

     

    L. Amedee Darga, Managing Director, StraConsult

    The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) ambitions to develop a single African market for goods and services. Amedee Darga reviews some of the key factors that will be needed to transform the AfCFTA ambition into a successful reality. AfCFTA is an opportunity for Mauritius to reap greater benefits in terms of exports and investments through increased intra-African trade. Yet, for this, Mauritius will need to build more supply capacity.     

     

    Fifty-four out of 55 African countries have signed to launch an African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) that will involve a market of over 1.0 billion consumers. As the AfCFTA unfolds, it is not a matter of whether it should be, but of how to make it growingly real and effective. Of the 54 signatories, 30 have already ratified and deposited the required instruments. This shows a very high level of political support for the AfCFTA. However, as with all such great ambition, it will be a long road before we have a quasi-single African market. After all, even for Europe which started with The Single European Act in 1986, the single market is still not completed as such.

    The stated objectives of the AfCFTA are to boost intra-African trade and to create a single market for goods and services. The inclusion of services is a major step here. Long term, the agreement is looking at the establishment of a Continental Customs Union. In March 2018 the texts of the Protocols on Trade in Goods, Trade in Services and Dispute Settlement were adopted at an Extraordinary Summit held in Kigali, Rwanda. There will now be a succession of rounds of negotiations to define agreed tariffs reductions, rules of origin and specific commitments for the five priority services sectors. The five sectors being: Business services, Communication Services, Financial Services, Tourism and Travel and Transport.

     

    Signatories and ratification of the AfCFTA. Source: Tralac.org

     

    Attempts and Achievement till now.

    The determination to boost up intra-African trade is not new, it has been underway on a regional basis for the last forty years in certain regions. The share of intra-African exports as a percentage of total African exports has increased from about 10 per cent in 1995 to around 17 per cent in 2017, but it remains low compared to levels in Europe (69 per cent), Asia (59 per cent), and North America (31 per cent).

    However, if we look at the share of intra-regional economic community trade in total trade in Africa, in 2016, we will note deeper levels of integration for example in SADC (84.9 per cent), followed by COMESA (59.5 per cent), CEN–SAD (58.4 per cent) and  ECOWAS (56.7 per cent).

    Furthermore, it is also most interesting to note that:

    The 10 leading intra-African exportersin 2015–2017 were Eswatini (70.6%), Namibia (52.9%), Zimbabwe (51.6%), Uganda (51.4%), Togo (51.1%), Senegal (45.6%), Djibouti (41.9%), Lesotho (39.9%), Kenya (39.3%) and Malawi (38.3%).

    Here again, those figures however may imply some realities which are not explicit unless they are disaggregated. For example, are all exports of Zimbabwe truly intra-African of simply exports to South Africa for re-export to the outside world? Does Senegal really export 45.6% of Senegalese produced goods to its region or is it a port of transit for goods from external countries on re-export to other West African countries in its region?

    The Key Success Factors

    There are key factors that will determine the speed at which the grand design will progress and the rate of success will be achieved.

    1. How the flying geese will behave.

    The flying geese paradigm is now well established since coined in the thirties and gained popularity sixties with Kaname Akamatsu with regards to the development of South-East Asia. It simply refers to the flying geese inverse “V” formation and means that not all countries in a region manage to develop at the same speed at reach the same level, but as one emerges faster, it has the power to create a favourable draft that pulls others faster if the others do what it takes to move in the draft.

    Of the 54 countries of the African continent, there are some economically muscular players like Egypt, Morocco, Nigeria, Kenya and South Africa. Interestingly, these five countries are in the five regions of the continent. They have the potential to be the lead geese of the flying geese formation in their respective regions even if right now, a country like South Africa is somewhat of a limping goose. However, they could also be a drag if they try to put spanners in the wheel on some of the key success factors by imposing Rules of Origin, Non-Tariff Barriers or technical barriers.

    1. Supply Side Capacity

    This is a most important success factor. Africa is handicapped by a severe supply-side capacity and supply chain constraint. You cannot trade more if you don’t have much to sell. A large number of African countries are heavy commodity producers whose exports out of Africa are not transformed or value added. One striking example is cotton. Africa exports close to 1.6 million tons of cotton but imports fabrics and garments massively from the rest of the world. This commodity is a case where the potential for regional supply chain and value addition has not happened partly because of lack of investment and partly because of narrow nationalistic perspective. Supply-side capacity requires industrialisation. Industrialisation requires conducive conditions for doing business, from infrastructure capacity to fiscal policy. One country, Ethiopia has well understood this and has seen its industrial sector, its exports and its GDP grow by an average of 9% per annum in the last ten years.

     

    Factory Line in Lesotho – Credit: John Hogg
    1. A Maze of Preferential Access.

    African countries, mainly the Least Developed Countries have signed in other preferential trade agreements with other non-African partners, mainly the European Union. The question is how will the preferential market access between African countries be more preferential than the market access granted under such other agreements. For sure African countries have some potential competitive advantages such as labour cost and physical proximity to markets. provided transport infrastructure is to the required level. Today it costs more to transport goods from Dar es Salaam to Lusaka than from China to Dar es Salaam! Capacity and cost of electricity and water is another success factor to be addressed for a number of countries. With electricity at US$ 0.09 per Kwh and a relatively low-cost productive labour, Ethiopia has attracted Chinese, British and Turkish investments despite being a landlocked country.

    1. Non-Tariff Barriers

    Giving preferential access through lower tariff should not be nullified by countries imposing Non-Trade Barriers (NTBs). NTBs refer to restrictions that result from norms and standards, or specific market requirements that make importation or exportation of products difficult and costly. Some countries under the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) are well known to have abusive use of NTBs when trading with other African countries.

    1. Fiscal constraint

    The fiscal policy and fiscal flexibility of a country can have an impact on its willingness to open to preferential tariffs. Many African States rely heavily on corporate taxes and custom taxes to finance state expenditure. Custom tariff represents for many countries between 20 to 30% of state revenue. Countries with a narrow private sector base, low employment levels and high imports are often caught in a vicious circle where they cannot earn revenue from consumption taxes and corporate tax.  These countries tend to be the slowest at implementing preferential tariffs for neighbour countries.  It is in recognition of this fiscal constraint factor that the region’s largest trade bank, Afreximbank has unveiled a $1bn financing facility. It will enable countries to adjust in an orderly manner to sudden tariff revenue losses as a result of the implementation of the AfCFTA Agreement.

    1. Rules of origin

    This is a fundamental criterion needed to determine the nationality of a product and is in all trade negotiations a ferociously fought factor. This could make, break or put a brake on the progress of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) that entered into force in May. The rules could be a game-changer for the continent if they are simple, flexible, transparent, business-friendly and predictable.

    Those regions that will have in place some of the above listed key success factors, and those countries that will in the same stride create conducive business environment will become extremely attractive for investment in their productive sectors, hence boosting their supply-side capacity. As it stands now, East Africa clearly has the stronger conditions to move faster in the game and offer preferential market access to a population of about 250 million people.

    The Benefit for Mauritius

    Mauritius is reaping some exports and investment benefits from its relative integration into the region, but the lack of coherence in policy, focus and action means the country is benefitting much less than its full potential.

    Port-Louis Harbour – Credit: Hansueli Krapf

    In 2018, Mauritius Intra-Africa exports accounted for 23% of Mauritius’ total exports and imports for 13% of total imports.

    However, it is to be noted that Mauritius mainly exports clothing and fabrics to the rest of Africa. Of the top 10 intra-Africa export products five products are items of clothing or fabric accounting for 30% of Mauritius’ intra-Africa exports for 2018.

    While the specific provisions of the AfCFTA are negotiated (and that could be arduous), Mauritius can already benefit more from its membership in its two existing preferential trade areas, the COMESA and SADC, notwithstanding their limitations. The recent 2020 – 2021 budget of the government has announced one measure that can boost Mauritian exports from the already existing supply capacity to the region. The plan to set up Mauritius Export Warehouse in Tanzania and Mozambique will definitely support a number of Domestic Oriented Industry. Some are already gearing for Tanzania which is a more immediately obvious market than Mozambique.

    However, the attractiveness of the regional market and preferential access already available under COMESA and SADC commands that Mauritius attracts investment to rapidly build more supply capacity. A few clear lines of potential are:

    • Attracting investment in the Freeport for the manufacturing of consumer and intermediate goods.
    • Supporting investment in the circular economy for the production of reconditioned household appliances. The latter will see increased demand as the middle-class consumption grow in many of the African countries.
    • Supporting investment in the sourcing of primary products and commodities for transformation and value addition to Africa and the rest of the world.

    There are some exports of services from Mauritius to Africa but data on the value and target markets are not readily available.  Mauritius has good potential to export a range of services in the context of the priority services lines set by the AfCFTA, namely Business services, Financial Services, Tourism and travel. Our trade negotiators should fight all the way during negotiations to ensure that the highway is opened for the benefit of Mauritius.

    Notwithstanding its structural dysfunctions, Africa has seen its economies on a growth path during the last fifteen years. The AfCFTA does not immediately guarantee trade – but it does chart a road to travel for increased Intra African trade opportunities. Many countries will be slow movers in opening up, but on a variable geometry approach to implementation, some countries will move faster.   Mauritius has the capacity and should gear up to be an early mover to pick up all the fruits it can and set its nest on selected target markets.

     

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

     

    Graduating to Advanced Economy status: Enablers and Challenges for Mauritius

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    Ali Mansoor, Chairman of the Regional Multidisciplinary Centre of Excellence (RMCE).

     

    As Mauritius battles with the economic impact of the current pandemic, its aspiration to graduate to an advanced economy status will take more than an increase in its Gross National Income per capita.  In this article, Ali Mansoor reminds us what an advanced economy classification entails. He highlights that advanced economy graduates such as Singapore possessed key enabling factors. Mauritius will need to pay attention to these enablers to succeed in its aspirations.

     

    Context and background [1]

    With a GNI per capita reaching US$ 12,740 in 2019, on July, 1 of this year the World Bank reclassified Mauritius as a high-income economy. While this is a symbolic accomplishment, it does not necessarily imply a sustainable achievement for Mauritius. The current crisis will most probably shift Mauritius back to upper-middle-income status by 2021.  A more meaningful achievement for Mauritius would be to graduate to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) advanced economy status.

    An advanced economy is a term used by the IMF to describe the most developed countries in the world.  The IMF uses three main criteria aggregated over several years to capture the sustainability of the status:  (1) per capita income level, (2) export diversification, and (3) degree of integration into the global financial system.  Advanced economies are also countries that typically have a high Human Development Index scores and good institutions. Hence, countries classified as high-income countries by the World Bank will not automatically be classified as advanced economies by the IMF.  The World Bank considers as high-income countries any country that has a gross national income per capita of US$12,535 and above. The IMF’s advanced country classification, on the other hand, considers whether the three criteria listed above are sustained over time.

    Mauritius is poised to become an advanced economy …. if it can demarcate itself from the many countries that fail to exit the Middle Income Country Trap

     

    Graduating to an advanced economy status has proved hard relative to moving from low income to emerging economy status. Since 1960, only 16 countries have achieved advanced economy status [2].

    So what are the key differences between the emerging economies that graduate to advanced economy status and those who have not?

    Governance

    Advanced Economies graduates have a strong state that is harder to capture by narrow interests due to professional and competent civil service. MIC –HIC Middle-Income Countries that transitioned to advanced economy status; SMIC – Small Middle-Income Countries

     

    As indicated in the above charts, the main differences relate to governance.  Graduates develop strong institutions that make it harder for narrow interests to capture the state apparatus.  A professional and competent merit-based civil service underpins these arrangements.

    Open Societies 

    Additionally, open societies seem to help. All graduates either were democratic or moved to democracy.

     

    Advanced Economies graduates were democratic or on a democratic path.

     

    More striking, countries that made the transition were generally able to accelerate growth as they crossed the income threshold, overcoming the effects of an ever-larger base.  This may be because they were continually improving institutions and governance as they moved forward.

     

    Advanced Economies graduates managed to sustain high economic growth during the transition to advanced economy status

     

    Integration into the global economy

    Openness and integration into the global economy are key.  Successful transition to advanced economy status is associated not only with relatively free trade and facilitation of Foreign Direct Investment but also openness to migration.

     

    Advanced Economies graduates sustained increased rates of trade openness measured as trade as a per cent of GDP.

     

    Advanced Economies graduates sustained relatively high levels of Foreign Direct Investments.

     

    Advanced Economies graduates were largely open to migrant labour.

    Special Factors

    Special factors also played a role in some cases:

    • A permanent sense of urgency in view of recovery from a major shock or potential crisis often linked to security considerations as was the case in Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hong Kong, Japan, Latvia, Singapore, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, South Korea and Taiwan;
    • A clear road map for reforms and economic policies coming from regional clubs such as the EU as was the case for the graduates who joined the EU;
    • The presence of a champion for policy reform as was the case in Singapore with Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, South Korea with President Park and Taiwan with Chiang Kai-Shek.

    Did Mauritius lose its opportunity in the early 90s?

    From Independence through the late 1980s Mauritius had many of the characteristics of the successful graduates.  This included champions of policy reform in its first two Prime Ministers, a sense of urgency well described by Professors Meade and Titmus [3], and large scale emigration around independence. Moreover, not only were new institutions built, but their operations were merit-based rather than driven by patronage.  This included global recruiting for talent, inter alia, in the Central Bank, the Development Bank, the State Bank of Mauritius and the Export Processing Zone Development Authority. The country also boasted a relatively strong and competent civil service inherited from the British colonial administration. It mixed some elements of patronage with an emphasis on delivery of results. This was especially true in key Ministries such as Finance, Planning, Tourism and Industry.

     

     

    As a result, in the eighties, our growth was similar to that of Singapore. However, from the ’90s whilst our growth continued on trend, Singapore experienced an acceleration of growth through the end of the twentieth century.

    The main differences may be that after reaching full employment Mauritius made no major efforts to keep improving its economic performance.  There were no transformative policy initiatives until 2006 when Mauritius introduced major reforms to build “a new, open and competitive service platform that [was] fully integrated into the global economy”.  The 2006 reforms were less about achieving rapid economic growth and more a response to the triple shocks of loss of textile and sugar preferences and high oil prices. Meanwhile, Singapore was focused on continued rapid growth.  Inter alia, this meant allowing migration to overcome the limits of a small population and continued improvement of institutions to attract the FDI needed to support its continued transformation. As reviewed in our book [see note 1], Singapore continued on its growth path thanks to the following key policies:

    • it integrated into the global labour market: its population rose from 2.4 million in 1980 to 5.4 million in 2013 of whom about 40 per cent were foreign-born. Mauritius kept its labour market much more closed with a population growing from about 1 million to only 1.3 million over the same period and the percentage of foreign-born representing less than 4 per cent of the population;
    • it continued to improve its institutions including importing talent;
    • it moved earlier, faster and more aggressively to liberalise international trade.;
    • it opened its skies: Changi airport was the strategic asset and not Air Singapore;
    • it integrated planning and budgeting in policy making;
    • it implemented evidence-based policy making including importing best international practice; and
    • it limited patronage and rent-seeking by linking pay to performance and actively combating corruption.

    How to make up for the lost period since the 1990’s, accelerate growth and rapidly join the Advanced Economies

    Notwithstanding Mauritius’ failure to keep up with the best performers since the 1990s, the country has many assets to build upon to make up for lost time. Mauritius is characterised by:

    Yet, Mauritius still faces economic and institutional constraints that need to be tackled if it aspires to join the advanced economies camp:

    • A weak education system incompatible with the 21st-century information age;
    • Poor labour market policies including migration;
    • Insufficient innovation reflecting the emphasis on rote learning to pass exams instead of creativity in the school curriculum;
    • Lack of attention to the Macroeconomic Trilemma, particularly in the wake of an expanded role for the Central Bank: we need to choose 2 out of 3 between Open Capital Account, Independent Monetary Policy and Floating exchange rate;
    • Continually weakening institutions with patronage increasingly overriding competence;
    • Lack of planning integrated into budget [7];
    • Lack of emphasis on performance;
    • Need for systems to move to the frontier of public service delivery; and
    • More efficient pathways for learning in key institutions.

    The way forward

    COVID, the EU Blacklist and the CEB procurement scandal all highlight the need to change and may also give us the push needed to go from the complacency that settled in from the 90’s to find again the resolve that propelled us from low-income basket case to successful middle-income country in the first generation after independence.

    All countries can live with some degree of patronage if limited to the less important institutions and can also accept some modest rent-seeking if it does not crowd out outsiders with good ideas and initiative. However, key institutions need to be run on the basis of performance rather than by those loyal to the Government of the day.  Where necessary, global talent should be sought.

    Strong institutions in key areas will limit rent-seeking by narrow interests that gain control of the State apparatus and facilitate the other required reforms in education, labour markets, planning, housing, agriculture and industry.

    Our DNA is based on overcoming challenges by working together. The current crises could be the catalyst required to propel us back onto the path for rapid graduation to the exclusive Advanced Economy club.

     

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

     

    [1] The charts and content come from the IMF book Africa on the Move: Unlocking the Potential of Small Middle-Income States which the author of this article co-edited whilst at the IMF.

    [2]These are: Japan, 1966; Greece, 1970; Spain, 1974; Singapore, 1975; Hong Kong SAR, 1975; Malta, 1980 Taiwan, 1987; Cyprus, 1987; Portugal, 1989; South Korea, 1994; Slovenia, 1995 Slovak Republic, 2003; Czech Republic, 2003; Estonia, 2009; Latvia, 2011.

    [3] See The Economic and Social Structure of Mauritius. by J. E. Meade; Social Policies and Population Growth in Mauritius. by R. M. Titmuss, B. Abel-Smith, T. Lynes

    [5] Plentiful water has supported poor governance in the Central Water Authority resulting in the island not having 24/7 water supply as should be expected.

    [6] Blacklisting by the EU will undermine this asset. Getting off the blacklist will require improvements in Governance, a key enabler to Advanced Economy status.

    [7] Linking Performance Budgeting, Performance Management and long term planning within the Ministry of Finance with support from the Ministry of Civil Service may be a good way forward.