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    Oceans and their largest inhabitants could be the key to storing our carbon emissions

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    David King, Founder of Centre for Climate Repair at Cambridge and Chair of Climate Crisis Advisory Group (CCAG), University of Cambridge

    Jane Lichtenstein, Associate Researcher, Climate Crisis Advisory Group (CCAG), University of Cambridge

     

    While global governments have agreed to work towards limiting global temperature increase to 1.5°C, little in their behaviour suggests they are taking the challenge seriously, as emissions continue to rise year after year. The most recent climate analysis report by the IPCC, published on April 4, warns that this pattern is set to continue – with a projected global rise of 3.2°C or more by 2100 – if emissions aren’t drastically reduced and excess CO₂ removed from the atmosphere.

    It’s time to turn to our oceans for help, an approach consistent with the IPCC’s climate objectives, yet which remains relatively overlooked. Current research at the Centre for Climate Repair at Cambridge University tackles how we can reinvigorate the world’s largest potential carbon sinks, which cover more than 70% of our planet’s surface, and have already been working to remove CO₂ from our atmosphere for millions of years.

    At just 1.3°C above pre-industrial levels, the world is currently struggling to cope. Unprecedented droughts, wildfire, floods, storms and heatwaves batter the planet. SwissRe, one of the world’s largest insurance companies, has estimated that natural disasters cost the world US$190 billion (£146 billion) in 2020.

    Each incremental temperature rise brings more unpredictable conditions. By 2050, coastal cities such as Jakarta and Kolkata could be unliveable due to rising sea levels causing floods and storm surges.

    The IPCC report makes clear that cutting down on the use of fossil fuels is crucial to reducing emissions. Technical innovations to help us make this transition – alongside wind, solar and tidal power – include using methane from landfill sites to heat buildings (something already successfully implemented in Sweden) and building clean mass transportation systems that free up pavements and public spaces (as demonstrated in Bogota). Wealthy nations must step up to make these changes, at the same time funding poorer nations’ plans to sidestep fossil fuel reliance.

    But although this is clearly a necessary plan of action, politics and policy are still responding slowly, with governments failing to align their efforts with the required scale and urgency of solutions.

    Capturing carbon

    An equally key part of bringing CO₂ levels down is putting atmospheric carbon back where it came from. Carbon capture and storage technology is a vital tool in sectors where CO₂ emissions are essentially unavoidable, such as in heavy industrial processes like steel works. But its high costs and energy usage make it an imperfect solution.

    Using nature to store carbon on a large scale is more promising. The IPCC report puts faith in the farming industry unrolling dramatic changes to help sequester more carbon in soil over the next decade. Yet although methods of doing this have been successfully trialled across the world, policy hasn’t caught up, and vested interests in current farming methods also create inertia.

    Extensive tree planting also offers scope for increasing carbon sinks, as do peatland preservation, mangrove reforestation and rewilding. But using land alone won’t be enough to sufficiently reduce greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere. This is where oceans come in.

    Storing carbon in the sea

    Much of the deep ocean that’s now desertified thanks to human activity was once a thriving aquatic ecosystem. Our current research explores how whales form an important part of rebuilding that system, acting as “biological pumps” that circulate nutrients from the depths of the ocean to its surface through their feeding and excreting behaviours.

    What’s more, CCRC experiments are exploring the potential for regenerating ocean biomass as a way to store more carbon. Ocean biomass refers to communities of plants, fish and mammals that thrive near the surface, but send their shells, bones and decomposing vegetation permanently to the deep ocean, locking huge amounts of carbon into the seabed. Expanding their numbers could bolster biodiversity, shore up fish stocks and provide income opportunities for marginalised communities across the world – as well as capturing tens of billions of tons of CO₂ from the atmosphere.

    A third aspect of tackling the climate crisis involves fixing parts of the climate system that have already passed their “tipping point”: starting by refreezing the Arctic. Rapid Arctic melting has already caused many of the extreme weather events we’ve seen recently, from snow in Texas to floods in China, thanks to its distorting effects on the polar jet stream. Reversing this process – for example by artificially increasing cloud cover over the region to reflect more sunlight away from Arctic ice – would allow the jet stream to return to normal, buying us more time to work on reducing atmospheric greenhouse gas levels.

    The challenges of reducing emissions by switching away from fossil fuels are largely political, not technical. The almost-immediate benefits of cleaner air, better health and new jobs for millions in the alternative energy sector should outweigh short-term fears. Meanwhile, we must also use our greatest natural resource to remove the excess carbon already released into the atmosphere if we are to create a manageable future for humanity.

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    Main Photo by Mike Doherty on Unsplash.

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    Seychelles is becoming overwhelmed by marine plastic – we now know where it comes from

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    Noam Vogt-Vincent, DPhil Candidate in Earth Sciences, University of Oxford

    April Burt, Research Associate, University of Oxford

     

    More than 1,000km southwest of Mahé, the main inhabited island in Seychelles, lies a ring of coral islands called the Aldabra Atoll. The islands are a UNESCO World Heritage Site and support a huge diversity of marine species including manta rays and tiger sharks. The atoll is also a breeding site for endangered green turtles.

    Aldabra has long been protected from threats to its biodiversity by its remoteness. But now plastic debris is strewn across Aldabra’s coastlines, threatening nearby marine ecosystems. Research finds the likelihood of coral disease increases from 4% to 89% when coral are in contact with plastic.

    The Seychelles Islands Foundation, who are responsible for managing Aldabra, conducted a plastic clean-up operation in partnership with Oxford University in 2019. Roughly 25 tonnes of plastic waste were removed from the islands.

    A new study that we co-authored modelled the flow of plastic debris in the Indian Ocean between 1993 and 2019 and traced it to its source. We found that none of the plastic that washes up on Aldabra comes from the islands themselves.

    Simulating plastic flow

    Using data on plastic waste generation and fishing activity, we generated hundreds of billions of virtual plastic particles entering the Indian ocean. We then simulated their movement based on ocean currents, waves and winds.

    Bottle caps and other low-buoyancy items sink fast and plastic loses buoyancy as it fragments or becomes covered in waterborne organisms. Items that remain buoyant for longer are transported further distances. To reach Aldabra from the eastern Indian Ocean, our model estimates that debris must be floating for at least six months.

    We determined the likelihood that this debris would wash up on the coast by analysing the rate at which scientific “drifters” (instruments that record ocean currents) and GPS-tracked floating fishing devices become “beached”. Free-floating instruments such as these behave well as proxies for floating plastic. These observations indicate that around 3% of the debris that is within 10km of a coast beach each day.

    Four-year simulation of highly buoyant marine debris transport in the Indian Ocean.

    Island under siege

    Our model predicts that Indonesia is responsible for most of the plastic debris, including as flip-flops and plastic packaging, that beaches across Seychelles. Various other countries including India, Sri Lanka and the Philippines are also major sources.

    But Seychelles is also contaminated with plastic waste from other places.

    Almost half of the plastic bottles found on Aldabra during the initial clean-up had been manufactured in China. But ocean currents do not flow directly between China and the western Indian Ocean. It is thus unlikely that a large number of bottles could float from China to Seychelles.

    But Seychelles is close to a major shipping lane that connects southeast Asia to the Atlantic. If bottles were discarded from ships crossing the Indian Ocean then they would likely beach across Seychelles.

    Research that we conducted in 2020 estimated that the fishing industry was responsible for 83% of the plastic waste on Aldabra. Most of the fishing gear abandoned by “purse seine” fisheries (a method of fishing that employs large nets to catch tuna) likely relates to regional fishing activity around Seychelles. But abandoned gear from longline fisheries may have drifted in from as far afield as western Australia.

    Perhaps most importantly, our modelling also suggests that the rates at which plastic debris will beach in the Indian Ocean will follow strong seasonal cycles.

    Winds tend to have a southerly (northward) component during the Indian Ocean’s summer monsoon season. But major debris sources such as Indonesia and India share similar, or more northerly, latitudes with Seychelles. During this period, debris from these sources tends to miss Seychelles and is transported further north.

    By contrast, the winds reverse during the winter monsoons and transport debris directly towards Seychelles. We expect plastic debris accumulation to peak in Seychelles shortly after the winter monsoons (February to April). In the southernmost islands, almost all of the debris that beaches will do so at this point.

    Planning effective mitigation

    Seychelles is not responsible for generating this waste but face mounting environmental and economic costs. For example, 500 tonnes of litter remained following the initial clean-up of Aldabra’s coasts, which may cost up to US$5 million (£4 million) to remove.

    The United Nations last year agreed to establish a global plastic treaty that will tackle plastic pollution at its roots. But negotiations only began recently and it may be a long time before the treaty has any meaningful impact.

    Until then our modelling may help to establish other strategies to reduce the accumulation of plastic debris in Seychelles.

    We identified fishing gear and shipping as being responsible for the majority of plastic pollution on Seychelles. Better enforcement of existing laws such as the 1983 ban on the disposal of plastic into the sea under the Marpol Convention should reduce the amount of plastic entering the Indian Ocean.

    Predicting the peak of plastic accumulation in Seychelles will also maximise the effectiveness of beach clean-ups. Removing litter shortly after its arrival will minimise the time debris spends being broken down into unmanageable fragments.

    Remote Indian Ocean islands are increasingly affected by plastic waste generated overseas. But by modelling the flow of plastic debris, we now have the chance to develop more effective strategies to reduce plastic accumulation and strengthen demands for stronger commitments under the global plastic treaty.

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    Main Photo by Naja Bertolt Jensen on Unsplash.

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    Blog: Let’s move climate discussions beyond the ‘doom and gloom’

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    Dr Josheena Naggea joined the Centre as a Visiting Scholar for a year. In November 2022, she attended the climate change conference (COP27) in Egypt as a Commonwealth youth advocate for ocean-climate action and she shares her thoughts and experience in this blog.

     

    Dr Josheena Naggea, Mauritian ocean advocate, researcher and youth climate champion, Hoffmann Postdoctoral fellow with the Stanford Center for Ocean Solutions and the World Economic Forum.

     

    My first experience attending the annual UN Climate Change Conference was an eye-opener. I attended the COP27 summit in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt from 6th to 12th November as the first Nature Zone’s Solidarity Fund recipient with ocean and climate expertise. From Day 1, I was swept off in a whirlwind of meetings, panel discussions, and speaking engagements.

    What surprised and intrigued me most was the number of concrete actions and positive collaborations which happen at COP behind closed doors. With so many key actors from various public institutions, private sector and non-profit organisations in one place, it provides an opportunity for cross-sectoral discussions to support climate action from local to regional to global scales.

    Negotiations at COP27

    While I did not take part directly in negotiations, I participated in a wide range of events in the ‘Blue Zone’ and met dozens of ocean and climate advocates just like me, committed to making a difference. The Blue Zone is a UN managed space which hosts various pavilions such as UN agencies, countries and regions. COP27 had 156 pavilions, twice the number from COP26 in Glasgow, and for the first time, had an Ocean Pavilion and a Youth Pavilion!

    It was stimulating to be around like-minded people, to share support and resources and grow my network and potential for collaborations with youth-led and ocean-focused organisations like the Sustainable Ocean Alliance, Ocean Uprise, Global Island Partnership, and the Ocean Risk and Resilience Action Alliance (ORRAA).

    The coming together of so many people from around the world joining forces across regions, borders, sectors and generations to move the agenda forward was truly inspiring. The OceanxClimate Summit was one event that stood out in that it created space to reflect on the ocean-climate nexus through a variety of sessions that gave voice to indigenous, local and youth-led initiatives.

    We often hear about how negotiations are not going as intended or falling short of commitments. Before and after every climate COP, I have gotten used to being drowned by the constant flow of pessimistic views in the news and social media.

    Growing climate anxiety

    However, my COP27 experience made me seriously reflect on how we communicate about the COP experience and processes to external audiences who do not attend this meeting (including people like me until last month!). We should be mindful not to communicate that climate change is a ‘lost cause’ from the outset, or that we have passed the point of no return.

    While we are definitely in a climate emergency with power asymmetries, and the window for action is closing, failure to communicate with more nuance will cause ever increasing climate anxiety, particularly among younger generations. Overemphasis on a ‘lost cause’ could also lead to apathy or disengagement.

    I have personally appreciated scholars and experts like Prof. Katherine Hayhoe who offered valuable insightful views about hope in a time of global climate change.

    My own direct experience at COP27 showed me that we are more likely to mobilise action when people are hopeful and open to solutions, when they feel empowered to take action to address climate change in their own spaces from local to national scales, and when they connect with like-minded peers.

    I tried to do this myself in my own little way while at COP27 through an Instagram takeover for the Stanford Doerr School of Sustainability on Day 4 of the conference. I spoke with people who were passionate about protecting our planet—academics, private sector and non-profit representatives, and youth activists—about their interests and ideas, including the Commonwealth Secretary-General!

    The Instagram takeover allowed me to invite hundreds of young people to join me backstage at COP27 and engage with the conference and its attendees from afar. And that’s something every attendee should strive for: opening up the climate conversation beyond the physical space at COP.

    Inclusive climate solutions

    More than ever, we need to empower people with our discussions, and include more people in the process. Yes, we must voice our concerns, but it’s also critical not to let young people be overwhelmed by the ‘doom and gloom’ narrative.

    We must keep the pressure to meet the goal to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees, but we cannot fill the discussion with only anger and frustration.

    We need to make sure our communication and initiatives engage more people—especially those not operating in the climate sphere—instead of alienating them. Inclusion is more than ever crucial. And we also need to amplify climate solutions that have nature and people at the forefront.

    I returned from COP27 feeling reflective and critical of the process, but simultaneously empowered. I wore several hats at COP – as a representative of the Commonwealth Youth, Stanford University, and the World Economic Forum as well as the UNDP-GEF-Small Grants Programme – and was able to see the synergies and connections of all these communities in one place.

    Dr Josheena Naggea with Rt Hon Patricia Scotland KC, Commonwealth Secretary-General

    Most of all, I felt grateful for the positive conversations and experiences I shared with leaders, activists, scientists, and loads of committed young people. We are indeed facing a climate crisis, but there is still hope in mobilising global action, together.

     

    Read the original article on the Commonwealth website here.

    All photos by ©Josheena Naggea.

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    New Year Editorial: Outreach and Engagement for Regional Impact

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    Myriam Blin, Head of Charles Telfair Centre

     

    After three years of activity, the Charles Telfair Centre is solidly establishing its reputation as an independent and thought-provoking space for knowledge sharing and exchange. The Centre’s commitment to independence and non-partisanship has enabled us to build credibility and trust across diverse stakeholders covering academia, the private sector, civil society, government, and international bodies.

    As we emerged from the COVID-19 crisis, 2022 was a year of great opportunities for the region but in an increasingly challenging global context marked by the war in Ukraine, spiraling inflation, food insecurity and conflicting pressures on biodiversity and environmental preservation. Through our weekly publications and events, we engaged in topics that explored these opportunities as well as analyzed the implications of this challenging global context for Mauritius and the wider Indian Ocean region.  We wrote, amongst others, about the implication of the Ukrainian war on the African continent stability and food security, unpacked the climate challenge for the region including revisiting the impact of the Wakashio oil spill on coastal communities. We discussed the multiple maritime security challenges and opportunities brought about by the large exclusive economic zones of SIDS in the Indian Ocean; and we explored the potential of pan-African capital to challenge (or not) the US dollar dominance and engaged in debates on Mauritius’ next development gamble.

    For the first year, since our launch in 2020, we were able to host face-to-face events and welcome nationally and internationally recognized guest speakers. In 2022, all our workshops and seminars were held on the beautiful grounds of the Charles Telfair Campus. The return to face-to-face events increased the Centre’s visibility and strengthened its credibility, allowing us to engage more directly with key stakeholders across academia, public sector, and businesses. The Centre was very privileged to welcome internationally recognized scholars such A/Prof Hannah Appel from UCLA (who was also a Charles Telfair Centre Visiting Scholar), A/Prof Jess Auerbach from the University of Cape Town and Prof. Stefan Dercon from the University of Oxford. Prof Christian Bueger from the University of Copenhagen and Prof Kate Sullivan from the University of Oxford also joined us online as guest speakers for our Maritime security workshop.  While international speakers bring perspective, quality and depth, our events’ credibility rests on blending this international expertise with diverse local knowledge. This year we had the honour to welcome as national guest speakers: (1) Raj Mohabeer, Officer in Charge at the Indian Ocean Commission, (2) Raj Makoond, Director at Eclosia, and (3) Ali Mansoor, leading local economist.

    We are ready to embark in our 2023 journey with the motto: Outreach and Engagement for a Regional Impact. We will focus on three objectives:

      • We will expand our publication impact with a systematic Indian Ocean regional focus. You can check our 2023 call for papers here.
      • We will increase the number of open events to allow a maximum of people to engage in our priority topics for 2023: Geopolitics of the Indian Ocean, Gender Inclusion, Biodiversity Preservation and meeting the double challenge of economic growth and sustainable and inclusive development.
      • We will use partnership and outreach to expand our reach and engagement across different stakeholders. The Centre’s objective of knowledge sharing rests on our ability to break silos and bridge deep conversations between government, academia, private sector and civil society.

    The Centre would be nothing without its rising community of authors, readers, guests, reviewers and followers. Some of you are present at each of our events, send us articles every year, share comments on publications, support us with constructive feedback, topics and guest suggestions. You ARE the Charles Telfair Centre and I wanted to end this note by thanking each and every one of you for your support and your belief in the mission we have set.

    Let’s continue, together, to share reliable knowledge and connect ideas for change…

     

     

    Main Photo Chic Bee on Flickr, CC

    Why Britain should immediately withdraw from Mauritius’ Chagos Islands

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    Peter Harris, Associate Professor of Political Science, Colorado State University

     

    Britain is on the cusp of decolonising Mauritius – again. The first attempt at decolonisation took place in 1968 but went unfulfilled when London kept hold of an island group that had long been regarded as Mauritian territory: the Chagos Archipelago.

    In recent years, the international community has handed down a clear and consistent view that Britain’s occupation of the Chagos Islands is illegal. Now, London and Port Louis are engaged in talks over the future of the islands – the final act, perhaps, in the decolonisation of Mauritius.

    Britain’s foreign secretary, James Cleverly, has suggested that an agreement on the status of the Chagos Archipelago will come “by early next year”.

    But what might a settlement look like?

    The answer depends almost entirely on what can be agreed about the future of Diego Garcia, the largest island of the Chagos group. It’s the site of a critical US military base that Britain has dutifully hosted for the past 50 years.

    The American elephant

    It is hard to overstate the legal and political pressure that Britain faces to withdraw from the Chagos Islands. No fewer than 116 national governments, the UN General Assembly, the African Union and the International Court of Justice have called upon Britain to cease its occupation of the islands. The settled opinion of the international community is that Diego Garcia and the rest of the Chagos Archipelago belong to Mauritius, not the United Kingdom. This is not much of a grey area.

    But complying with international law is a voluntary act.

    For a long time, Britain’s policy was that the Chagos Islands would be returned to Mauritius when they were no longer needed “for defence purposes”. In his written statement to announce talks with Port Louis, Cleverly appeared to reaffirm this commitment by insisting that “any agreement between our two countries will ensure the continued effective operation” of the base on Diego Garcia.

    The elephant in the room is that Britain does not now need – and, in fact, has never truly depended upon – the Chagos Archipelago for military purposes. Only a handful of British military personnel cycle through Diego Garcia. What, then, is London waiting for?

    In reality, it is US forces that use the island of Diego Garcia as a logistics hub and staging post for military actions across the Indo-Pacific. As they negotiate with Mauritius, British leaders are therefore mostly interested in securing guarantees that America’s military interests will not be harmed by a transfer of authority to Port Louis.

    This is what will shape negotiations over the territory’s future.

    Difficult talks ahead

    Four scenarios stand out as realistic.

    First, Britain could relinquish its claim to the Chagos Archipelago without delay, and with few or no strings attached. This would be the “cleanest” way to uphold London’s obligations to Mauritius under international law. It would then be up to Port Louis and Washington to decide upon the future of the base on Diego Garcia.

    Second, London could suggest a staged approach to decolonisation. The opening phase would see Britain return the so-called “Outer” Chagos Islands to Mauritius – that is, the 57 islands of the archipelago that have never been used for military purposes, which are scattered around 100 miles north and west of Diego Garcia. But in exchange, Port Louis would grant London temporary sovereignty over Diego Garcia (a rump British Indian Ocean Territory) so that the base there could continue its operations uninterrupted for a specified amount of time.

    Another variant of this option would be for Britain to acknowledge Mauritian sovereignty over the entire Chagos Archipelago – including Diego Garcia – but negotiate to access rights for itself and the United States.

    Finally, talks could break down altogether. This is a real possibility. Decision-makers in London are unlikely to agree to anything that Washington cannot support.

    The case for full decolonisation

    Strictly bilateral talks might not be the best way to resolve the Chagos dispute. The United States must be engaged in the process, too.

    Indeed, finding a long-term agreement between Washington and Port Louis is complicated by Britain’s persistent attempts to serve as an intermediary. Colonialism and illegality are hard to accommodate in diplomatic accords, after all.

    Britain ought to announce the full and unconditional decolonisation of the territory as a backdrop to Mauritius and the United States discussing the issues that concern the two of them: basing rights, a status of forces agreement, and support for a resettled Chagossian community, to name three.

    America’s military is hosted by a diverse cast of national governments on every continent. Dealing with Mauritius should be no more difficult than negotiating with Australia, Poland, Saudi Arabia, or South Korea.

    Either way, London has no constructive role to play in these discussions, which concern the territory’s future rather than its past.The Conversation

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    Main photo by NASA Johnson on Flickr (Creative Commons).

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    Violence against women is a shadow pandemic – we must take action to stop it

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    Bincheng MaoGlobal Shaper, New York Hub

     

    Violence against women and girls has reached a devastating scale around the globe. A United Nations report recently revealed that one in every three women, approximately 736 million worldwide, have endured physical and psychological violence. From intimate partner violence to sexual harassment, these various forms of abuse are deeply harmful to women. And unfortunately, this situation has further deteriorated since the start of COVID-19.

    Eradicating the violence against women

    A close analysis of the data uncovers that violence against women starts at an early age: nearly a quarter of all girls have faced gender-based violence by the age of 19, if they’ve been in a partner relationship. Physical and sexual assaults are now a threat to female well-being to such a degree that it could be called a pandemic.

    One of the defining moral challenges of our times will be to eradicate violence against women. And it is achievable.

    Survivor-centric solutions are key

    Civil society organizations can play a major role in connecting legal and personal safety specialists to women in at-risk communities. These communities include rural areas with persistent poverty, where survivors of gender-based violence often have no one to turn to. Sexual violence often goes unchecked as a result. We must prioritize increasing access to legal services for women both as a prevention and accountability measure. Civil society groups with relevant resources should be encouraged to engage with women survivors and their communities to reverse past neglect.

    Image: Violence against women – 2019 data Image: OECD

    There are also regions where traditional systems of justice may victimize survivors. Here, we need specialists on the ground to help women and girls. In regions with traditional justice systems, such as Eastern Africa, the public leadership structure begins with elders in villages. Service and advocacy organizations should facilitate dialogues with respected elders about lingering stigmas and stereotypes.

    Survivors of sexual assault must be humanized by illustrating to elders the traumatic first-hand experiences of these survivors. Civil society can also deliver mental health support to women survivors. Together, we must set an example that care is the right response to survivors, as opposed to marginalization. Together, we must set an example that care is the right response to survivors, as opposed to marginalization.

    International organizations should collaborate with local government authorities to empower women to consider sharing their stories. Offering protection for survivors is indispensable and the international community should provide adequate material resources to lower-income regions to build gender-based abuse shelters. Promoting access to feminine care is also critical to the process of empowering women.

    Educating the next generation

    Teaching the next generation to stand up for women and girls must be a priority. WHO-sponsored research shows that effective early education can help prevent intimate partner violence. International institutions should provide guidance on gender equality education reform and domestic women’s rights organizations can then localize the message. Men and boys should learn from an early age how to choose respectful words and actions when addressing women. In other words, men and boys should become an active part of the prevention effort.

    In addition to implementing fair and just education strategies, it is crucial to ensure the safety of women and girls getting to school. In particularly high-risk communities, school buses should have ticket inspectors to verify identities. A case study of Tanzania has shown education to be a critical pathway to ending poverty. Ensuring women’s rights to receive a high-quality education helps break down the cycle of poverty and allows women to understand their human rights.

    Moral action is also smart economics

    To mobilize decisive action, it is imperative to remind hesitant people of the severe economic costs of gender inequality. When humans experience physical and sexual violence, they will see their overall health decline and start to miss work. Every day abused women who miss work leads to losses in a country’s productivity and overall economic output. It is therefore in the interests of any government to step up and address violence against women.

    Gender-based violence can harm anyone, but certain groups are particularly vulnerable. For instance, it disproportionately impacts women and girls living in less developed regions. UN Women has pointed out that women in those classified as “least developed countries” have been subjected to a substantially higher rate of intimate partner violence in the past year—a staggering 13% higher. This signifies that a larger portion of women in low-income regions face abuses that may limit them from contributing to local economic development, perpetuating a cycle of violence and poverty. The fight against gender-based violence will be most important in the world’s poorest areas. A global effort to eradicate violence against women is an opportunity for poor countries to accelerate economic growth and alleviate poverty.

    Women’s rights are human rights, and human rights are women’s rights

    Women’s rights are human rights, and human rights are women’s rights. When this principle was declared at the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995, people dared to imagine a more inclusive and compassionate 21st century. Now, with violence against women on the rise yet again, we need to urgently take concrete steps to advance the rights of women.

    This article is republished from The World Economic Forum under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    Main Photo by Jason Leung on Unsplash.

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    COP27 key outcomes: progress on compensation for developing countries, but more needed on climate justice and equity

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    Imraan Valodia, Pro Vice-Chancellor: Climate, Sustainability and Inequality and Director Southern Centre for Inequality Studies, University of the Witwatersrand

    Julia Taylor, Researcher: Climate and Inequality, University of the Witwatersrand

     

    There were high expectations for COP27, the 27th Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change.

    COP conferences broadly provide a platform for the negotiation of international climate change agreements. This was to be the first COP held in Africa since 2016. It was also framed as the implementation COP, which would lead to action.

    COP27 was expected to make progress on “loss and damage”. This is financing to compensate developing countries for the harm to the climate that has been caused primarily by the developed world.

    The outcome – the establishment of a new fund for loss and damage – is a relief for climate activists and developing countries.

    Below we unpack this, and other key outcomes from this crucial climate change conference.

    Urgency, justice and equity missing in negotiations

    Outside the formal negotiations, there were clear and consistent messages about the urgency of climate action from scientists, NGOs and climate activists. They gathered at the event and in small, peaceful protests. The same urgency wasn’t seen among party negotiators.

    Inside the formal negotiations, mostly wealthy country parties pushed back on immediate action in these areas:

    • support for people displaced by extreme events caused by climate change
    • strong and transparent governance of carbon markets
    • the phasing out of all fossil fuels.

    This disconnect was striking and has led to significant delays and setbacks in agreements relevant to climate justice.

    Further, the decision-making process raises questions about the equity of different voices at COP, and whose reality counts. All decisions within COP are made by consensus, not a vote. Decisions can be overruled by one dissenting party.

    There’s also inequality in representation of countries and the prevalence of lobby groups at COP27. Certain countries can support large teams of party delegates and technical support. Poorer countries can’t.

    New fund for loss and damage

    A significant achievement of COP27 was an agreement to establish a new fund for loss and damage finance.

    This negotiation was very contentious, with some parties threatening to walk out at various points. The central tension was between developed and developing countries. Developed countries did all they could to avoid a new financing entity for loss and damage.

    Developing countries are largely represented by the G77 and China. This is a negotiating group of 134 developing countries initially founded by 77 countries in 1964. Rich nations tried to divide the G77 and China negotiating group by arguing that China, India, and other less vulnerable countries should also have to pay for loss and damage.

    It’s true that China and India are currently large emitters of greenhouse gases, but this approach shows a refusal to acknowledge the historical cumulative emissions mostly attributed to the early industrialisers.

    The responsibility for cumulative emissions does vary based on which emissions are counted, how they are counted, and whether it is analysed on a per capita basis. However, North American and European regions stand out as the largest emitters.

    While the agreement on a fund for loss and damage is a significant step forward, a lot of work needs to be done before it is set up. The parties agreed to set up a transitional committee to make recommendations for adoption at COP28, in November 2023.

    Technical assistance to address loss and damage

    An additional positive move was made with the agreement on the institutional arrangements to operationalise the Santiago Network, which was established at COP25 to help developing countries identify their technical needs and connect with providers of assistance to address them. For example, in the case of flooding, improved systems to prepare and implement early warning systems and evacuation processes.

    The next step will be to identify the host for the Santiago Network Secretariat.

    No decision on the governance of the Warsaw International Mechanism

    The Warsaw International Mechanism (WIM) was established in 2013 to provide coordination and encourage dialogue on loss and damage. Unfortunately, discussions on the governance of the WIM went nowhere.

    Parties could not agree on whether it should be under the governance of COP or the Paris Agreement.

    Developed countries want the mechanism to be governed under the Paris Agreement alone. Developing countries want a dual governance system.

    Governance under COP would hold developed countries to account, whereas the Paris Agreement has a paragraph which excludes liability and compensation.

    Carbon market governance

    There were similar tensions in the discussions around the governance framework for carbon markets.

    Carbon markets allow countries or entities that can reduce or absorb emissions to sell them as carbon credits to high emitters. The markets can therefore reduce emissions and increase flows of climate finance if held to high standards of integrity and transparency.

    However, new language in the decision text allows for confidentiality around the details of carbon credits. This could jeopardise transparency and accounting processes and reduce the likelihood of carbon markets contributing to mitigation.

    New climate finance goal

    This COP was supposed to develop a new collective quantified goal on climate finance, to replace the US$100 billion annual target which has not been met. It was also supposed to develop an action plan to double adaptation finance, which has not materialised.

    The new finance goal has been delayed to next year, along with a status report on the commitment to double adaptation finance by 2025.

    Various parties pointed out that climate finance should not worsen the indebtedness of developing countries. For the first time, the decision document acknowledged this issue. It also encouraged reform of the way multilateral development banks support climate finance.

    Phasing out fossil fuels

    This COP failed to get a commitment from all parties to phase out all fossil fuels.

    Instead of committing to this obvious solution to reduce emissions, parties insisted on using the wording “accelerating efforts towards the phase-down of unabated coal power and phase-out of inefficient fossil fuel subsidies.”

    “Unabated coal power” insinuates that coal (with carbon capture technology) could be continued. Specifying “inefficient fossil fuel subsidies” may allow for loopholes due to the definition of “inefficient.”

    Moving forward

    While COP27 has delivered significant progress on finance for loss and damage, it remains to be seen whether this will translate into action. The lack of progress on mitigation and adaptation is a worry. In failing to deal with the central challenge of reducing fossil fuel use and reaching agreement on further reducing carbon emissions, COP27 has not addressed the key challenges of climate change.

    The UN multilateral processes that govern climate change need developed countries to seriously commit to loss and damage. And treaties must be given greater enforcement capabilities. The parties will also need to find a mechanism to place common interests at the top of the agenda, above that of party interests.

    It may also be time to assess the equity of representation and power in these processes. It has taken 30 years to make progress on loss and damage finance. Existing treaties are inadequate to hold parties to account on mitigation and adaptation targets.The Conversation

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    Main photo by Scotland & Carbon (Creative Commons).

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    Climate change will force up to 113m people to relocate within Africa by 2050 – new report

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    Nicholas P. SimpsonSenior Advisor, Africa Lead for Knowledge & Practice, Africa Climate Mobility Initiative, Global Centre for Climate Mobility, University of Cape Town

     

    Adapting to a world that is warmer than today is a huge undertaking, even if the most ambitious temperature ceiling is met. Increasing climate risks mean that millions of Africans could be uprooted or trapped where they are due to climate change.

    Unfortunately, the world has made little progress on what it takes to adapt safely to life on a warmer planet. We still lack the scale and urgency of both collective and transformative action necessary to cut greenhouse gases as per the Paris Agreement on Climate Change.

    Heatwaves from human-caused climate change have already reduced global economic growth by up to US$29.3 trillion between 1992 and 2013. Africa’s gross domestic product has been particularly hard hit. One estimate shows gross domestic product per capita for 1991–2010 in Africa was on average 13.6% lower than it could have been if climate change had not occurred.

    Global heating may rise to between 2.4℃ and 2.6℃ by 2100. That presents uninsurable risks, even for rich countries.

    For Africans, these changes will increase inequality and disrupt businesses. They will also undermine agricultural systems and decades of development gains in health and education. In addition, the changes are set to cause losses and damage to Africa’s unique heritage of outstanding and universal value. These impacts will increasingly affect those moving, staying, and communities receiving people on the move due to climate change.

    All life on Earth will have to adapt if any industries are to survive for Africa’s future generations. There is a narrow window left to prepare and shift to adaptation in Africa.

    A new report called African Shifts documents the current realities of climate-forced migration and displacement in Africa. The report paints possible scenarios for future population movements resulting from increasing climate impacts. It also revises the discourse of migration and climate change. It uses the term “climate mobility” to capture the movement motivated by the adverse effects of sudden or slow-onset climate impacts.

    The report, launched by the Africa Climate Mobility Initiative, aims to provide evidence, knowledge and policy recommendations to leaders gathering at the COP27 climate change negotiations in Egypt, where climate adaptation strategies are high on the agenda.

    African Shifts, of which I am the lead drafting author, provides research, data and projections that support locally anchored solutions for climate adaptation in communities across Africa facing the impacts of forced migration. It uses likely and optimistic climate change and development scenarios to provide projections of climate mobility that are appropriate to Africa’s development trajectory over the next 30 years.

    Several new findings have been made and key actions proposed.

    Findings

    The report shows that:

    • Most future climate-forced migration and displacement in Africa will take place within countries. This reflects current geographies of movement on the continent.
    • The number of people moving to seek protection and better livelihoods will increase from 1.5% of Africa’s population today to as many as 5% by 2050. This amounts to about 113 million people.
    • Up to 2.5 million people could leave Africa’s coastal areas due to sea level rise and other stressors. In the Horn of Africa, climate impacts could force up to 9% of the population – as many as 49 million people – to move in the decades ahead. This makes the case for adequate planning to build local adaptive capacity, especially in smaller cities and towns. Adapting could enable more people to stay in their home communities.
    • The movement of people across borders in response to climate change is expected to be relatively small. Cross-border climate mobility is forecast to reach a maximum of 1.2 million people by 2050 under a high greenhouse gas emissions scenario. This will be a small fraction of the continent’s overall population and a small contribution to the total likely cross-border migration of 11 to 12 million people by 2050. This counters the prevailing narrative of populist leaders and media houses that peddle highly exaggerated numbers of people leaving Africa for high-income and distant countries.
    • Importantly, for most on the continent, climate mobility is likely to be a response of last resort. Most Africans are attached to their land and homes and don’t aspire to leave their communities. Half of the men and 40% of the women surveyed expressed hope and optimism for the future, despite experiencing severe climate disruptions. For many people relocation is too costly. As a result, some of the most vulnerable people remain in place, risking forced evacuation or becoming stranded. Those who move or are forcibly displaced often settle in new locations where they remain vulnerable and exposed to climate risks.

    Key actions

    The Agenda for Action accompanying the African Shifts report proposes key actions for the next eight years. These actions can support countries in achieving the aspirations of the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals set up by the UN under the Paris Agreement. They include:

    Planning for mobility – Anticipate and plan for climate mobility. This includes permanent relocation, fostering social cohesion in affected communities, preventing immobility, driving economic growth, sustaining peace, and protecting people on the move. Next step is to integrate climate mobility in climate adaptation and finance commitments. This is achieved by recognising and supporting mobility as a legitimate strategy.

    Empowering people – Inform people of climate risks. This includes building climate change literacy, co-production of actionable climate information services and access to early warnings. Specifically, countries should amplify women’s agency and harness the ambitions of the youth.

    Transforming development – Build from the local by pursuing community-led solutions for climate-resilient development, disaster response and climate mobility across the continent.

    Countries should also invest in resilient and connected cities. Build stronger ties across cities and with rural areas and economies.

    Lastly, countries should pursue nature-positive development. Land, water, and other shared natural resources should be managed cooperatively and sustainably to support agricultural and ecosystem-based livelihoods and boost productivity. Reduce the environmental impact and harness ecosystems and biodiversity protection for economic development and climate resilience.

    The report makes the case that inclusive development choices that reduce vulnerability and build climate resilience could enable people to stay in their home communities.

    Hotspots

    The report identifies potential “climate hotspots”. These include specific cities that will grow or shrink due to climate mobility; borderlands that will see an increase in climate mobility; and rain-fed lowlands and coastal areas.

    These areas need to build resilience in near-term actions and long-term strategies.

    The steps proposed in the report can avert and minimise the risk of displacement and prepare communities for future arrivals, preventing escalating loss and damage in a warmer future.

    The research, modelling and analysis that form the basis of this report were the result of a unique collaboration between the Africa Climate Mobility Initiative, the Mixed Migration Centre, and a consortium led by the Center for International Earth Science Information Network of the Columbia University Climate School, including the City University of New York Institute for Demographic Research, and the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research.The Conversation

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    Main photo by Jeff Ackley on Unsplash.

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    COP27 explained by experts: what is it and why should I care?

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    Imraan Valodia, Pro Vice-Chancellor: Climate, Sustainability and Inequality and Director Southern Centre for Inequality Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, University of the Witwatersrand

    Julia Taylor, Researcher: Climate and Inequality, University of the Witwatersrand

     

    COP27 is the 27th Conference of the Parties (countries) that signed up to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The convention was established at the Rio Earth Summit in 1992, and has been ratified by 198 countries. They agreed to stabilise the production of greenhouse gases in order to prevent dangerous climate change.

    Since then, the Conference of the Parties has been hosted in a different country each year. These conferences broadly provide a platform for the negotiation of international climate change treaties.

    The very first treaty acknowledged that the responsibility for action was different for developed and developing countries, because developed countries were responsible for most greenhouse gas emissions.

    Despite some gains, commitment to these treaties has not translated into the action necessary to shift the course of global climate change. The recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report states that global average temperatures have already reached 1.1°C above pre-industrial levels and that warming of over 1.5°C is all but inevitable unless drastic action is taken.

    Everyone is affected by climate change, but some people and regions are more vulnerable than others. Regions that will experience the most adverse impacts of climate change are West, Central and East Africa, South Asia, Central and South America, Small Island Developing States and the Arctic. Populations living in informal settlements will have the worst of it.

    Vulnerability to climate change impacts is driven by socioeconomic, political and environmental factors. African countries have already experienced loss and damage due to climate change. For example, food production, economic output and biodiversity have all declined and more people are at risk of dying due to climate change in African countries.

    The COP27 is therefore important because that is where decisions are made about how to respond to climate change.

    Climate change treaties

    Three international treaties have been adopted on international climate change cooperation. They led to the development of different bodies which all convene under the banner of the COP. COP is where they meet, negotiate and evaluate progress, even though COP technically only refers to the parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change.

    The first treaty was the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change.

    The second was the Kyoto Protocol, established in 1997. Countries made commitments to reduce their emissions of greenhouse gases. The Kyoto Protocol was based on the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities. It acknowledged that because of their higher levels of economic development, developed countries could and should take greater responsibility to reduce emissions.

    The third and most recent treaty is the 2015 Paris Agreement. It covers climate change mitigation, adaptation and financing and aims to limit the rise in temperatures to less than 2°C above pre-industrial levels. All signatories need to develop a non-binding plan for climate change mitigation, including reducing emissions. They also have to report on progress.

    A key weakness of the Paris Agreement is that it is non-binding. Also, the commitments are self-determined. A recent study found that even if all countries did meet their commitments, it would not be enough to limit warming to below 2°C.

    It is important to understand and engage in these processes as the impacts of climate change are increasing globally. The increase in the global average temperature is one of several climate impacts. Others include increased likelihood of droughts or floods, and increased intensity of storms and wildfires.

    The frequency of climate events will increase as temperatures rise. There is an urgent need for action to prevent global warming from rising above 2°C. Temperatures over 2°C will result in irreversible climate impacts such as sea level rise, and affect far more people than an increase of 1.5°C.

    Responses to climate change

    There are three policy areas which have emerged to respond to climate change.

    The first is mitigation – the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions to stabilise the climate. Examples of mitigation include replacing fossil fuels with renewable energy sources, or developing electrified public transport to replace private vehicles powered by combustion engines.

    The second is adaptation – interventions which would support climate resilience and reduce vulnerability. Examples include improved water management and conservation to reduce risk of drought, initiatives to improve food security and support for biodiversity.

    The last policy area deals with loss and damage. Loss and damage refers to “the economic and non-economic damages associated with slow onset events and extreme weather events caused by global warming and the tools and institutions that identify and mitigate such risks.” Interventions to address loss and damage can include risk management support and finance which is often framed as climate reparations.

    Mitigation and adaptation are well understood and established within climate policy. And they have finance mechanisms within international treaties, even though existing commitments to these mechanisms have not materialised in practice, particularly when it comes to adaptation. Loss and damage, however, has received far less attention in international treaties and negotiations.

    Highlighting loss and damage

    The Warsaw International Mechanism on Loss and Damage was established in 2013 to provide a framework to address loss and damage. It aims to improve understanding of risk management approaches, increase coordination and dialogue among stakeholders and enhance action and support.

    The issue of loss and damage was incorporated into the Paris Agreement, but without any specific commitments around it. During negotiations at COP25, the Santiago Network was set up to avert, minimise and address loss and damage for developing countries but it focuses mostly on technical assistance rather than finance. At COP26 (in 2021) there was an agreement to fund the Santiago Network, but the institutional framework is not yet finalised.

    Loss and damage was raised as an important issue to be addressed during COP26. There were some promising moves, such as the Scottish first minister, Nicola Sturgeon, pledging £2 million towards a loss and damage finance facility. But many rich nations did not support this.

    The negotiations led to the proposal to establish the Glasgow Finance Facility for loss and damage. But the wording of the decision was changed at the last minute to the Glasgow Dialogues, which committed to discussing arrangements for funding activities to avert, minimise and address loss and damage. This change has delayed any real financial support for loss and damage in the short term.

    This was very disappointing for developing country parties, who will be pushing once more to secure financing for loss and damage at COP27, and holding other countries to account for the US$100 billion annual commitment towards climate finance which has yet to materialise.

    Many climate activists from the global south feel that if a financing facility for loss and damage is not discussed at COP27, it will be a failed conference.The Conversation

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    Main photo by Ma Ti on Unsplash.

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).

    Charles Telfair Centre – Call for Papers 2023

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    CHARLES TELFAIR CENTRE BLOG PAPER SERIES 2023

    Towards an innovative, sustainable and inclusive future in the Western Indian Ocean Region

    Background

    The Centre publishes data and evidence on topics relevant to Mauritius and the region’s development prospects.

    We welcome contributions from researchers and practitioners (including private sector, NGO and government).

    We encourage researchers (including doctoral students) to delve into their current research work and publications and share their key findings on topics relevant to the series: the principle being to translate scientific findings into an accessible language for all relevant stakeholders in Mauritius and the region. This can be summaries of previously or currently being published work. We are particularly interested in applied research from which specific recommendations can be derived.

    We encourage practitioners to analyse their own realities and practices and share insights into the issues and solutions that have been uncovered, explored, or implemented in their respective activities/practices.

    Towards an innovative, sustainable and inclusive future in the Western Indian Ocean Region (WIOR)

    As countries grapple with one of the most severe global recession of modern history, the Western Indian Ocean Region finds itself in a context of tremendous development challenges but also one of great opportunities. The current crisis has been a trigger for more assertive voices calling for a paradigm shift. There is a rising consensus on the needs for countries to build and contribute to a world that is durable, resilient, and fair. A return to ‘business as usual’ with environmentally destructive and socially divisive economic activities is put into question as the planet is getting closer to a point of no-return.

    Within that context, the region finds itself with the triple challenge of building back economies that are sustainable, fair and innovative within a rapidly evolving regional and global context and high vulnerability to climate change. Global environmental crises such as climate change and biodiversity loss could cause social and economic damages far beyond those caused by COVID-19. As such, recovery will require more than getting economies and livelihoods back to previous levels. Recovery policies will need to encompass innovative investments, behavioural changes and more human centred development models more likely to reduce future shocks and increase resilience. As highlighted by the OECD, central to this approach is a focus on well-being and inclusiveness.

    To address Mauritius’ and the region’s challenge in building an innovative, sustainable and inclusive future for the WIOR, our paper series for 2023 accept papers within our four core themes:

    Inclusive Growth and Development

      • Decent Work and Social Inclusion
      • Food Security and Resilience
      • Managing Risks for Post-Covid-19 Recovery
      • The sustainability of the current welfare state model in Mauritius
      • Social protection and social policy
      • Current land use/development policy in Mauritius
      • Green economy potential as a new pillar for Mauritius
      • Governance and regulatory environment
      • Building export competitiveness and diversification
      • Addressing rising debt, depletion of foreign exchange earnings and the rupee currency depreciation
      • Fostering MSMEs’ development and recovery
      • Developing circular economy solutions (local, regional)
      • Firm lobbying and influence: friend or foe of sustainable development?

    Climate Change and the region

      • Policies for meeting long-term emission reduction goals
      • Building resilience to climate impact (including poverty incidence of climate change and related shocks)
      • Slowing and reversing biodiversity loss
      • Transitioning to sustainable mobility systems
      • Food crisis and resilience
      • Renewable energy
      • Biodiversity management challenges

    Indian Ocean Management and Sustainable Development

      • Ocean governance and security
      • Emerging and unexploited ocean economic activities: potential, constraints and policy policies
      • Blue finance frameworks and innovative instruments for ocean financing
      • Public Private partnerships initiatives for the development of ocean related activities/protection
      • The place of Mauritius in Indian Ocean geopolitics
      • The state of port connectivity of Mauritius and its capacity to sustain development
      • Ocean management and coastal communities
      • Political economy of the Indian Ocean (e.g.: marine security, geopolitics of ocean influence, territorial sovereignty, regional collaboration)
      • Marine debris management and technology
      • Ocean conservation, development, and governance for achieving SDGs
      • Implementation of effective and integrated coastal management for ocean preservation
      • Sustainable development, legal and institutional approaches to the management of blue economy sectors, including fisheries, aquaculture, and ocean and coastal tourism
      • New and sustainable marine related energy generation

    Innovation and Digital Transformation

      • Disruptive Technologies within key sectors/activities: Tourism, Manufacture, Agriculture, Finance, Construction, Transport & Supply Chain, Management systems etc.
      • Data, Big Data and Machine Learning
      • Digitalisation and impact on companies’ internationalisation process
      • Digital innovation trends and impact in Mauritius and the region
      • Digital disruption and the future of work in Mauritius and the region
      • Central Bank Digital Currency, blessing or curse?
      • The Metaverse opportunity for small insular states
      • The Revolution of Digital Payment Systems and impact of inclusive finance
      • Data security in Mauritius and the Indian ocean

    We support inquiry using diverse kinds of evidence, relying on a variety of methodological approaches (including comparative case studies) and cutting across academic disciplines, as well as practitioners’ projects insofar as they are in line with our editorial guidelines.

    Abstract/Pitch submissions for the second-round of 2023 publications will need to reach us by 30th May 2023.  You will need to submit:

      • A small biography of 200 words
      • An abstract/pitch not exceeding 300 words summarising the research questions and key findings.

    We invite contributors to read our editorial guidelines, for more information.

    Proposals and enquiries should be sent to ctcentre@telfair.ac.mu

    Main photo by Xavier Coiffic on Unsplash.

    Charles Telfair Centre is an independent nonpartisan not for profit organisation and does not take specific positions. All views, positions, and conclusions expressed in our publications are solely those of the author(s).